2026-03-15T21:13:27Z https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/oai

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/1 2022-07-18T04:59:35Z cj:ART

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/4 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

KEWENANGAN POSITIVE LEGISLATURE MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM PENGUJIAN UNDANG-UNDANG TERHADAP UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR 1945: The Authority of the Legislative Body of the Constitutional Court in Judicial Review of the Constitution 1945 Harisudin, M. Noor Alfiella, Fika Authority Positive Legislative Progressive Law Constitutional Court This study aims to analyze the authority of the Constitutional Court in setting new norms in cases of judicial review of the Constitution. Basically the Constitutional Court is a branch of judicial power, but the fact is that the Constitutional Court has several times made decisions containing new norms in judicial review of the Constitution. This research uses normative juridical research and library research (library) which focuses on library activities to obtain data without conducting research in the field. The results of this study are: 1) The authority of the Constitutional Court has been regulated explicitly in Article 24 C of the 1945 Constitution, as such, the decision of the Constitutional Court which is constitutionally positive in Indonesia is not contradictory/constitutional. 2) The decision of the Constitutional Court is final and binding since it is officially pronounced or read out in an open plenary session which is open to the public. The final decision of the Constitutional Court in addition to having binding power, also has evidentiary power and executorial power, the Constitutional Court's decision is the final word for the enforcement of a legal norm/stipulation whose position is equal to the law itself. 3) Since its establishment until now, the Constitutional Court has received requests for Judicial Review (PUU) as many as 1041 (one thousand and forty-one) cases. Among them there are several decisions that establish new norms which are then followed up by the government, one of which is Constitutional Court Decision Number 128 /PUU-XIII/2015. Then PERMENDAGRI Number 67 of 2017 was born Studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menetapkan norma baru pada perkara pengujian undang-undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar. Pada dasarnya Mahkamah Konstitusi merupakan cabang kekuasaan yudikatif namun faktanya Mahkamah Konstitusi sudah beberapa kali menetapkan putusan yang berisi norma baru dalam pengujian undang-undang terhadap Undang- Undang Dasar. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian yuridis normatif dan library research (kepustakaan) yang memusatkan kegiatan pada perpustakaan untuk memperoleh data tanpa melakukan riset di lapangan. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah : 1) Kewenangam Mahkamah Konstitusi  telah diatur secara eksplisit dalam Pasal 24 C Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, sebagaimana hal terssebut maka putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi  yang bersifat positive legislature secara konstitusional di Indonesia tidak bertentangan/Konstitusional. 2) Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi bersifat final dan mengikat (final and binding) sejak resmi diucapkan atau dibacakan dalam sidang pleno terbuka yang terbuka untuk umum. Putusan  final  Mahkamah Konstitusi selain  memiliki  kekuatan  mengikat,  juga  memiliki kekuatan pembuktian dan kekuatan eksekutorial, maka putusan  Mahkamah Konstitusi menjadi kata akhir dari pemberlakuan sebuah  norma/ketentuan undang-undang  yang kedudukannya  setara  dengan  Undang-Undang  itu  sendiri. 3) Sejak berdiri hingga  sekarang, Mahkamah Konstitusi  telah menerima permohonan Pengujian Undang-Undang (PUU) sebanyak 1041 (seribu empat puluh satu) perkara Diantaranya terdapat beberapa putus an yang menetapkan norma baru yang kemudian ditindak lanjuti oleh pemerintah salah satunya, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 128/PUU-XIII/2015. maka lahir PERMENDAGRI Nomor 67 tahun 2017. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/4 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.4 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 1-18 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/4/2 Copyright (c) 2022 M. Noor Harisudin, Fika Alfiella https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/5 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA (STUDI KOMPARASI PEMIKIRAN NURCHOLIS MADJID DAN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID): Religion and State Relations (Comparative Study of the Thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid) Abbas, Rafid Danial, Muhammad Religion State Comparison of Thought Figures. Religion and the State are two important things that cannot be separated from human life. This study raises the thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid regarding the relationship between religion and the state, namely a state based on the values of Pancasila. Pancasila has been widely discussed by Muslims from both secular and nationalist schools. Although Islam is not shown in Pancasila, Islamic values still exist and are positioned as neutral as possible, while according to Abdurrahman Wahid, religion plays a role as a source of the nation's and state's view of life. The purpose of the research is to find out and compare (comparison) the thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid regarding the relationship between religion and the state. The type of research is library research which focuses and limits activities in the library to obtain data. The results of the study state that the thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid regarding the relationship between religion and the state are the most suitable for Indonesia, namely the Pancasila state, which is a country based on the values of Pancasila. Then the comparison (comparison) of the thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid regarding the relationship between religion and the state is that religion and the state must complement and strengthen each other, so the middle way that is suitable for this is Pancasila.     Agama dan Negara merupakan dua hal penting yang mustahil dipisahkan dari kehidupan manusia. Penelitian ini mengangkat Pemikiran Nurcholis Madjid Dan Abdurrahman Wahid Mengenai Relasi Agama Dan Negara, yakni Negara yang berlandaskan nilai-nilai Pancasila. Pancasila sudah banyak dibahas oleh kaum muslim baik dari aliran sekuler maupun nasionalis. Meskipun Islam tidak ditampakkan dalam Pancasila, namun nilai Islam masih ada dan diposisikan senetral mungkin, sedangkan menurut Abdurrahman Wahid, agama berperan menjadi sumber pandangan hidup bangsa dan Negara. Tujuan penelitian untuk Mengetahui dan membandingkan (Komparasi) Pemikiran Nurcholis Madjid Dan Abdurrahman Wahid Mengenai Relasi Agama Dan Negara Jenis  penelitian  adalah  kepustakaan  (library  research) yang memusatkan dan membatasi kegiatan pada perpustakaan untuk memperoleh dataHasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa Pemikiran Nurcholis Madjid Dan Abdurrahman Wahid Mengenai Relasi Agama Dan Negara yang paling cocok untuk Indonesia adalah negara Pancasila yakni negara yang berlandaskan nilai-nilai Pancasila. kemudian perbandingan (Komparasi) Pemikiran Nurcholis Madjid  Dan  Abdurrahman Wahid Mengenai Relasi Agama Dan Negara adalah antara agama dan negara harus saling mengisi  dan menguatkan satu sama lainnya, maka jalan tengah yang cocok untuk hal demikian adalah Pancasila. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/5 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.5 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 19-34 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/5/9 Copyright (c) 2022 Rafid Abbas, Muhammad Danial https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/6 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

UPAYA PANITIA DALAM MENGATASI KECURANGAN PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA DI DESA SAMBIMULYO KECAMATAN BANGOREJO KABUPATEN BANYUWANGI: The Committee's Efforts in Overcoming Fraudulent Village Head Elections in Sambimulyo Village, Bangorejo District, Banyuwangi Regency Saadah , Sri Lumatus Masruri, Hanif Election Village Chief Cheating The election of the Sambimulyo Village Head (Pilkades) which is free from fraudulent practices is indeed a hope for all Sambimulyo residents. The Sambimulyo Village Consultative Body (BPD), which is part of the Sambimulyo Village Government, is fully responsible for organizing the Sambimulyo Pilkades. BPD Sambimulyo then formed the Sambimulyo Village Head Election Committee by upholding neutrality. The Sambimulyo Village Head Election Committee has made the Sambimulyo Village Head Election Stages and the 2019 Sambimulyo Village Head Election Committee Decision Number: 188/30/PAN.SAMBIMULYO/IX/2019 concerning the 2019 Sambimulyo Village Head Election Rules to oversee the implementation of the Sambimulyo Village Election which is clean from practice - fraudulent practices. The focus of this research is how the efforts, the implementation system of the Sambimulyo Village Election Committee in preparing the village head election and supervision of the Sambimulyo BPD after the village head election is carried out. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of this study state that 1) The preparations made by the village head election committee are in accordance with Government Regulation No. 47 of 2015 and the village village election committee has made efforts in the form of removing the image that has been installed by the village head candidate on the side of the road. However, the community cannot report to the Pilkades committee but a successful team of candidates, 2) The Sambimulyo Village Head Election Implementation System has been established in the form of a Campaigning Opportunity Day System and a Centralized System in voting, 3) the Sambimulyo Village Consultative Body supervises after election of village heads as well as creating security and peace by collaborating with village heads to instill the slogan ojo rupture ojo bubrah mung amargo chosen by the lurah to the people of Sambimulyo Village                                                                           Pemilihan Kepala Desa (Pilkades) Sambimulyo yang bebas dari praktik kecurangan memang menjadi harapan bagi seluruh warga Sambimulyo. Badan Permusyawaratan Desa (BPD) Sambimulyo yang merupakan bagian dari Pemerintahan Desa Sambimulyo, bertanggungjawab secara penuh terhadap penyelenggaraan Pilkades Sambimulyo. BPD Sambimulyo kemudian membentuk Panitia Pemilihan Kepala Desa Sambimulyo dengan menjunjung tinggi netralitas. Panitia Pilkades Sambimulyo telah membuat Tahapan Pemilihan Kepala Desa Sambimulyo dan Keputusan Panitia Pemilihan Kepala Desa Sambimulyo Tahun 2019 Nomor: 188/30/PAN.SAMBIMULYO/IX/2019 Tentang Tata Tertib Pemilihan Kepala Desa Sambimulyo Tahun 2019 untuk mengawal pelaksanaan Pilkades Sambimulyo yang bersih dari praktek-praktek kecurangan. Fokus penelitian ini adalah bagaimana upaya, sistem pelaksanaan Panitia Pemilihan Desa Sambimulyo dalam mempersiapkan pemilihan kepala desa dan pengawasan BPD Sambimulyo setelah pemilihan kepala desa dilaksanakan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa 1) Persiapan yang dilakukan oleh panitia pilkades sesuai dengan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 47 Tahun 2015 dan panitia pilkades telah melakukan upaya berupa melepas gambar yang telah dipasang oleh calon kades di pinggir jalan. Akan tetapi, masyarakat tidak dapat melakukan pelaporan kepada panitia pilkades melainkan tim sukses dari para calon, 2) Sistem Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Desa Sambimulyo telah ditetapkan dalam bentuk Sistem Hari Kesempatan Berkampanye dan Sistem Sentralisasi dalam pemungutan suara, 3) Badan Permusyawaratan Desa Sambimulyo melakukan pengawasan setelah pemilihan kepala desa serta menciptakan keamanan dan ketentraman dengan bekerjasama dengan para cakades untuk menanamkan slogan ojo pecah ojo bubrah mung amargo pilihan lurah kepada masyarakat Desa Sambimulyo UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/6 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.6 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 35-46 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/6/4 Copyright (c) 2022 Sri Lumatus Saadah, Hanif Masruri https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/7 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

TINJAUAN FIQH SIYASAH DAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 23 TAHUN 2014 (STUDI KASUS KANTOR CAMAT CANDI, SIDOARJO): Review of Siyasah Fiqh and Law Number 23 of 2014 (Case Study of Candi Subdistrict Office, Sidoarjo) Asis, Larasati Fitriani Implementation Regional Regulations Fiqh Siyasah This study aims to determine the implementation of the duties and authorities of the Candi Camat in coordinating village government as well as a review of Fiqh Siyasah and Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government on the implementation of the duties and authorities of the Candi Camat in coordinating village government in Candi District, Sidoarjo Regency. The type of research is field research (field research) and using a qualitative approach. Then, the data collection methods used in this study were observation, interviews, and documentation and the validity of the triangulation data sources. From the results of research using indicators 1) Coordinate community empowerment, 2) Coordinate efforts to organize public peace and order; 3) Coordinate the implementation and enforcement of Regional Regulations and Regional Regulations; 4) Coordinate the maintenance of public service infrastructure and facilities; 5) Coordinate the implementation of government activities carried out by regional officials in the sub-district; and 6) Fostering and supervising the implementation of village and/or kelurahan activities, showing that the Candi Camat implements his duties and authorities in accordance with Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government and also applies the leadership of Fiqh Siyasah, which is more precisely leadership that must be imitated from the Prophet Muhammad SAW namely siddiq, amanah, fathanah, and tabligh. The Candi Camat is quite good at coordinating his duties and authorities, but the Candi Camat needs to improve his relationship with the community in terms of village development, as well as provide maximum guidance to all levels of society in terms of community empowerment in Candi Subdistrict.     Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui implementasi tugas dan wewenang Camat Candi dalam mengkoordinasikan pemerintahan desa serta tinjauan Fiqh Siyasah dan Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 Tentang Pemerintahan Daerah terhadap implementasi tugas dan wewenang Camat Candi dalam mengkoordinasikan pemerintahan desa di Kecamatan Candi, Kabupaten Sidoarjo. Jenis penelitian yaitu penelitian lapangan (field research) dan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Kemudian, metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu, observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi dan keabsahan data triangulasi sumber. Dari hasil penelitian yang menggunakan indikator 1) Mengkoordinasikan pemberdayaan masyarakat, 2) Mengoordinasikan upaya penyelenggaraan ketenteraman dan ketertiban umum; 3) Mengoordinasikan penerapan dan penegakan Perda dan Perkada; 4) Mengoordinasikan pemeliharaan prasarana dan sarana pelayanan umum; 5) Mengoordinasikan penyelenggaraan kegiatan pemerintahan yang dilakukan oleh perangkat daerah di kecamatan; dan 6) Membina dan mengawasi penyelenggaraan kegiatan desa dan/atau kelurahan,  menunjukkan bahwa Camat Candi dalam mengimplementasikan tugas dan wewenang sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 Tentang Pemerintahan Daerah dan juga menerapkan kepemimpinan Fiqh Siyasah yang lebih tepatnya kepemimpinan yang harus diteladani dari Nabi Muhammad SAW yaitu siddiq, amanah, fathanah, dan tabligh. Camat Candi sudah cukup baik dalam mengkoordinasikan tugas dan wewenangnya, namun Camat Candi perlu meningkatkan hubungannya dengan masyarakat dalam hal pembangunan desa, serta memberikan pembinaan yang maksimal kepada seluruh lapisan masyarakat dalam hal pemberdayaan masyarakat di Kecamatan Candi. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/7 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.7 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 47-60 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/7/5 Copyright (c) 2022 Larasati Fitriani Asis https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/9 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

KEDUDUKAN LEMBAGA KOMISI PEMBERANTASAN KORUPSI (KPK) DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA (TELAAH YURIDIS NORMATIF PUTUSAN MK): The Position of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in the Indonesian Constitutional System (Normative Juridical Review of the Constitutional Court's Decision) Nada, Izzah Qotrun Position Corruption Eradication Commission Constitutional Court Decision The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is an institution established to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of eradicating corruption that has been rampant throughout society. In Law no. 30 of 2002 explains that the KPK is an independent institution and is free from the influence of any power. However, The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is considered by some to be an extra-constitutional institution. The Constitutional Court Decision No. 36/PUU-XV/2017 states that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is a state institution within the realm of the executive. This decision contradicts the three previous decisions which stated otherwise that the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) is an independent state institution through its decision No. 012-016-019/PUU-IV/2006, No. 5/PUU-IX/2011, No. 49/PUU-XI/2013. The KPK has advantages in terms of its duties and authorities which have been regulated in Law no. 30 of 2002 which is now Law Number 19 of 2019 concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission. However, seeing the reality that the public strongly believes in the existence of the KPK, it is unfortunate that the legal politics of eradicating corruption through the establishment of the KPK appears to have no clear legal politics from the government, so that the establishment of the KPK does not set the boundaries of its establishment so that the position of the KPK is currently a polemic. Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) merupakan lembaga yang dibentuk untuk meningkatkan daya guna dan hasil guna terhadap pemberantasan tindak pidana korupsi yang sudah merajalela keseluruh lapisan masyarakat. Dalam UU No. 30 Tahun 2002 menjelaskan bahwa KPK merupakan lembaga independen dan bebas dari pengaruh kekuasaan manapun. Akan tetapi, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dianggap oleh sebagian pihak sebagai lembaga ekstrakonstitusional. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 36/PUU-XV/2017 menyatakan bahwa Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) merupakan lembaga negara yang berada dalam ranah eksekutif. Putusan tersebut bertentangan dengan tiga putusan sebelumnya yang menyatakan sebaliknya bahwa Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) merupakan lembaga negara independen melalui putusannya No. 012-016- 019/PUU-IV/2006, No. 5/PUU-IX/2011, No. 49/PUU-XI/2013. KPK memiliki kelebihan dalam hal tugas dan wewenangnya yang sudah diatur dalam Undang-undang No. 30 tahun 2002 yang kini menjadi Undang-undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2019 tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi. Namun melihat realitasnya publik sangat mempercayai adanya KPK, patut disayangkan politik hukum pemberantas korupsi melalui pembentukan KPK tampak tidak ada politik hukum yang jelas dari pemerintah, sehingga pendirian KPK tidak menetapkan batas-batas pendirian sehingga kedudukan KPK menjadi polemik saat ini. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/9 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.9 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 61-78 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/9/7 Copyright (c) 2022 Izzah Qotrun Nada https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/10 2022-12-06T04:36:30Z cj:ART

PELAKSANAAN KERJASAMA EKSTRADISI POLITIK LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA DALAM MENINGKATKAN SISTEM KEKEBALAN HUKUM DI KAWASAN ASEAN: Implementation of Cooperation in Extradition of Indonesian Foreign Policy in Improving the Immune System in the Asean Region Mathovani, Salma Amriya Transnational Crimes ASEAN Extradition The pattern of relations between nations and the increasingly complex existence of foreign policy have contributed to the development of transnational crime. These developments require countries around the world to have universally recognized legal instruments based on international practice within the framework of applying national law and enhancing international security to combat and eliminate transnational crimes. The focus of the problem studied is the reason why the Indonesian state requires the establishment of an ASEAN extradition treaty, the efforts that have been made by Indonesia relating to the mechanism for carrying out extradition for criminals and the prospect of the formation of an ASEAN extradition treaty and its implications for the interests of the Indonesian state. This study uses library research methods, namely by reading, listening, understanding, and reviewing the application of laws, scientific works, books, and literature related to the problems studied. Pola hubungan antar bangsa dan keberadaan politik luar negeri yang semakin kompleks, turut mendorong berkembangnya kejahatan transnasional. Perkembangan tersebut menuntut negara-negara di seluruh dunia untuk memiliki instrumen hukum yang diakui secara universal berdasarkan praktik internasional dalam kerangka penerapan hukum nasional dan peningkatan keamanan internasional untuk memerangi dan menghapus kejahatan transnasional. Fokus masalah yang diteliti adalah alasan negara indonesia membutuhkan pembentukan perjanjian ekstradisi ASEAN, upaya yang telah dilakukan indonesia berkaitan dengan mekanisme pelaksanaan ekstradisi terhadap pelaku kejahatan dan prospek terbentuknya perjanjian ekstradisi ASEAN dan implikasinya terhadap kepentingan negera indonesia.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kepustakaan atau library research, yaitu dengan membaca, mendengar, memahami, dan mengkaji penerapan undang-undang, karya ilmiah, buku-buku, dan literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang dikaji. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/10 10.35719/constitution.v1i1.10 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022): Constitution Journal June 2022; 79-106 2962-1720 2987-8918 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/10/8 Copyright (c) 2022 Salma Amriya Mathovani https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/18 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

PENEGAKAN HUKUM PENGEBORAN MINYAK ILEGAL PADA PERTAMBANGAN RAKYAT: Law Enforcement Of Illegal Oil Drilling In Public Mining Firdausiah, Nuril Illegal Oil Drilling Mining Regulation Natural resources, in the form o;f minerals and coal contained in the earth of indonesia are one of the capital controlled by the state to achieve public welfare. One of the controls has been regulated in law number 3 of 2020 concerning amendments to law number 4 of 2009 concerning mineral and col mining. Traditional oil mining activities are part of the utilization of natural resources which are expected to provide welfare for the village community. Illegal oil drilling activities carried out traditionally seem to be an endless story, which occurs due to lack of attention to being able to manage old wells. Actually, the management of old wells has been regulated through ministerial regulation and mineral resources number i of 2008 concerning guidelines for controlling petroleum mining in old wells. But what is happening now is that there are many levels of illegal oil drilling carried out traditionally, such as using used pipes, which are then pumped or drilled to extract crude oil, which is plugged into the ground and then pulled out using a diesel engine driven by a foot clutch and then collected. 500 liter tanks. Judging from the drilling process, there are many impacts that will arise due to illegal drilling of crude oil, including fires and exploding wells that cannot be managed properly by the perpetrators, therefore there must be regulations issued by the goverment. Keywords: Illegal Oil, Drilling, Mining, Regulation. Sumber daya alam, berupa mineral dan batubara yang terkandung didalam bumi indonesia merupakan salah satu modal yang dikuasai negara untuk mencapai kesejahteraan masyarakat. Salah satu penguasaannya yang telah diatur dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 3 Tahun 2020 tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 4 Tahun 2009 tentang Pertambangan Mineral dan Batubara. Aktifitas penambangan minyak tradisional adalah bagian dari pemanfaatan sumber daya alam yang diharapkan mampu memberikan kesejahteraan bagi masyarakat desa. Kegiatan pengeboran minyak ilegal yang dilakukan secara tradisional seakan menjadi cerita yang tak berkesuduhan, yang mana terjadi karena kurangnya pengawasan oleh pemerintah dan kurangnya perhatian untuk dapat mengelola sumur tua. Sebenarnya pengelolaan sumur tua sudah diatur melalui Peraturan Menteri dan Sumber Daya Mineral Nomor 1 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pedoman Penguasaan Pertambangan Minyak Bumi pada Sumur Tua. Namun yang terjadi saat ini adalah banyaknya tingkat pengeboran minyak ilegal yang dilakukan secara tradisional seperti menggunakan pipa-pipa bekas, yang kemudian pengambilan minyak mentahnya dipompa atau semacam di bor, yang ditancapkan kebawah tanah kemudian ditarik dengan mengguunakan mesin diesel yang digerakkan dengan kopling kaki lalu dikumpulkan ditangki-tangki berukuran 500 liter. Dilihat dari proses pengeborannya, banyak sekali dampak yang akan timbul akibat pengelolaan minyak bumi secara ilegal drilling di antaranya yang terjadi kebakaran dan meledaknya sumur-sumur yang tidak dapat dikelola dengan baik oleh pelaku, oleh karena itu harus ada regulasi yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah. Kata Kunci : Minyak Ilegal, Pengeboran, Pertambangan, Regulasi. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/18 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.18 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 107-120 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/18/14 Copyright (c) 2022 Nuril Firdausiah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/22 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

ANALISIS PEMADAMAN PENERANGAN JALAN UMUM SELAMA PEMBERLAKUAN PEMBATASAN KEGIATAN MASYARAKAT DARURAT PERSPEKTIF HUKUM PELAYANAN PUBLIK: Analysis of Public Street Lighting Blackouts During the Enforcement of Restrictions on Emergency Community Activities Legal Perspective of Public Service Ismayawati, Ina Hadi, Sholikul Blackout Public Street Lighting Emergency PPKM Public Service The implementation of Emergency Community Activity Restrictions or Emergency PPKM is one form of policy issued by the Indonesian government during the COVID-19 pandemic. This step was taken as an effort to stop the spread of COVID-19. However, in reality, this policy reaps pros and cons in society because it is considered to have injured several aspects of public service law. The objectives to be achieved with this research are: 1) Knowing the policy of turning off Public Street Lighting (PJU) during Emergency PPKM violates the law of public service or not. 2) Knowing the application of the principles of public service in the policy of blackout of Public Street Lighting (PJU) during the PPKM Emergency. This research is a type of normative legal research. The approach used in this research consists of two kinds, namely the statutory approach and the conceptual approach. The research was conducted by identifying and reviewing selected legal issues using primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. After conducting an in-depth study, conclusions will be drawn in the form of legal arguments that will answer legal issues and are stated in the conclusions. This study reached the following conclusions: 1) The policy of blackout of Public Street Lighting during Emergency PPKM is still not following the ideal public service law. 2) The application of the principles of public service has not yet been fully fulfilled. maximum during the implementation of the policy. Keywords : Blackout, Public Street Lighting, Emergency PPKM, Public Service. Pemberlakuan Pembatasan Kegiatan Masyarakat Darurat atau PPKM Darurat ialah salah satu bentuk kebijakan yang dikeluarkan pemerintah Indonesia selama pandemi covid-19. Langkah ini diambil sebagai upaya untuk memutus penyebaran covid-19. Namun, realitanya kebijakan ini menuai pro dan kontra dalam masyarakat karena dianggap telah mencederai beberapa aspek dalam hukum pelayanan publik. Tujuan yang ingin dicapai dengan adanya penelitian ini ialah: 1) Mengetahui kebijakan pemadaman Penerangan Jalan Umum (PJU) selama PPKM Darurat melanggar hukum pelayanan publik atau tidak. 2) Mengetahui penerapan asas-asas pelayanan publik dalam kebijakan pemadaman Penerangan Jalan Umum (PJU) selama PPKM Darurat. Penelitian ini ialah jenis penelitian hukum normatif. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini terdiri atas dua macam yaitu pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konsep. Penelitian dilakukan dengan cara mengidentifikasi dan mengkaji isu hukum yang dipilih dengan menggunakan bahan hukum primer, sekunder, dan tersier. Setelah dilakukan pengkajian yang mendalam maka akan ditarik kesimpulan dalam bentuk argumentasi hukum yang akan menjawab isu hukum dan dituangkan dalam kesimpulan. Penelitian ini mencapai kesimpulan sebagai berikut: 1) Kebijakan pemadaman Penerangan Jalan Umum selama PPKM Darurat masih belum sesuai dengan hukum pelayanan publik yang ideal. 2) Penerapan asas-asas pelayanan publik masih belum dapat dipenuhi secara maksimal selama pelaksanaan kebijakan tersebut Kata Kunci : Pemadaman, Penerangan Jalan Umum, PPKM Darurat, Pelayanan Publik. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/22 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.22 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 121-136 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/22/12 Copyright (c) 2022 Ina Ismayawati, Sholikul Hadi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/28 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

POLITIK HUKUM PENYATUAN KELEMBAGAAN LITBANG JIRAP DAN IMPLIKASINYA BAGI KELEMBAGAAN DAN PENATAAN SDM : Legal Politics of Institutional Unification Research and Development Institution and its Implications for Institutional and Human Resources Management Annisa, Safira BRIN integration research innovation research and development The establishment of BRIN as a mandate to implement Law Number 11 of 2019 concerning to National System of Science and Technology brings renewal to the institutional form of research and development in Indonesia. This study aims to find out the legal politics of uniting research and development institutions through BRIN and its implications in the context of institutional arrangements and human resources. This research uses a normative juridical method with statutory approaches, conceptual approaces, and case approaches. The results of the research show: first, the legal politics of uniting research and development institutions is based on the mandate of the National Science and Technology National Agency Law which aims to strengthen the carrying capacity of science and technology as an integrated institution carrying out research, development, study and application as well as inventions and innovations; and second, the implications of the results of the unification of research and development institutions through BRIN have an impact on the transfer of duties, functions and authorities of existing research and development institutions in ministries/institutions and independent institutions as well as the transfer of the human resources status of researchers from various ministries and institutions into BRIN employees. Keywords: BRIN, integration, research, innovation, research and development. Pembentukan BRIN sebagai mandat pelaksanaan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2019 tentang Sistem Nasional Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Teknologi Iptek membawa pembaharuan pada bentuk kelembagaan lembaga litbang jirap di Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui politik hukum penyatuan kelembagaan litbang jirap melalui BRIN dan implikasinya dalam konteks penataan kelembagaan dan sumber daya manusia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode yuridis normatif melalui studi kepustakaan dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konseptual, dan pendekatan kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan: pertama, politik hukum penyatuan kelembagaan litbang jirap didasarkan pada mandat Undang-Undang Sisnas Iptek BRIN yang bertujuan untuk memperkuat daya dukung iptek sebagai lembaga yang secara terintegrasi menjalankan penelitian, pengembangan, pengkajian dan penerapan serta invensi dan inovasi; dan kedua, implikasi hasil penyatuan lembaga litbang jirap melalui BRIN berdampak terhadap pengalihan tugas, fungsi, dan wewenang lembaga litbang jirap existing di kementerian/lembaga dan lembaga independen serta pengalihan status kepegawaian para peneliti menjadi pegawai BRIN. Kata kunci: BRIN, integrasi, riset, inovasi, penelitian dan pengembangan. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/28 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.28 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 137-156 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/28/15 Copyright (c) 2022 Safira Annisa https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/29 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

TANGGUNG JAWAB PEMERINTAH DAERAH KABUPATEN JEMBER DALAM MENYELENGGARAKAN PENGELOLAAN SAMPAH BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 18 TAHUN 2008 TENTANG PENGELOLAAN SAMPAH: Responsibilities of the Local Government of Jember Regency in Implementing Waste Management Based on Law Number 18 of 2008 Concerning Waste Management Sulistiyono, Firman Responsibility Authority Waste Management One of the environmental problems that until now has not been handled properly, one of which is waste management. Based on Law No. 18 of 2008 Article 9 there is a responsibility for local governments to organize waste management based on norms, standards, procedures and criteria. Regional government responsibilities are also regulated in Government Regulation Number 81 of 2012 concerning Management of Household Waste and Household-like Waste. With the enactment of the regulations above, local governments have the responsibility to organize waste management, so that environmental pollution can be handled properly. Therefore this paper is intended to examine the actions of the Regional Government in carrying out waste management, research is carried out using normative law, namely research on legal norms. Principles, concepts and theories related to waste management according to law number 18 of 2008. The results of the study show that in carrying out waste management actions local governments often carry out planning actions, control arrangements and supervision. On the other hand, the regional government in handling waste management, until now still refers to Regional Regulation No. 4 of 2011 concerning Waste Management Retribution. Even though there are no regulations governing comprehensive waste management, the Regional Government continues to manage its waste Keywords: Responsibility, Authority, Waste Management. Salah satu masalah lingkungan hidup yang sampai saat ini belum dapat ditangani secara baik salah satunya pengelolaan sampah. Berdasarkan Undang – Undang Nomor 18 Tahun 2008 Pasal 9 terdapat adanya tanggung jawab pemerintah daerah untuk menyeleggarakan pengelolaan sampah berdasarkan norma, standar, prosedur, dan kreteria. Tanggung jawab pemerintah daerah juga diatur dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 81 Tahun 2012 Tentang Pengelolaan Sampah Rumah Tangga Dan Sampah Sejenis Sampah Rumah Tangga. Dengan berlakunya peraturan diatas pemerintah daerah memiliki tanggung jawab menyelenggarakan pengelolaan sampah, sehingga pencemaran lingkungan hidup bisa tertangani dengan baik. Oleh karena itu tulisan ini dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji tindakan Pemerintah Daerah dalam menyelenggarakan pengelolan sampah, Penelitian dilakukan menggunakan hukum normative, yaitu penelitian terhadap norma-norma hukum. Asas-asas, konsep dan teori yang berkaitan dengan tanggung jawab pemerintah daerah dalam menyelenggarakan pengelolaan sampah menurut undang-undang nomor 18 Tahun 2008. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa dalam melakukan tindakan pengelolaan sampah pemerintah daerah kerap melakukan tindakan perencanaan, pengaturan penegndalian dan pengawasan. Disisi lain, pemerintah daerah dalam melakukan penanganan Pengelolaan sampah, sampai saat ini masih mengacu kepada Perda Nomor 4 Tahun 2011 Tentang Retribusi Pengelolaan Sampah. Meski belum ada peraturan yang mengatur pengelolaan sampahnya secara komprehensif Pemerintah Daerah kabupaten jember tetap melakukan pengelolaan sampahnya. Kata Kunci: Tanggung Jawab, Kewenangan, Pengelolaan Sampah. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/29 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.29 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 157-168 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/29/19 Copyright (c) 2022 Firman Sulistiyono https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/31 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

POLITIK HUKUM PEMBATASAN HAK PREROGATIF PRESIDEN DALAM PEMBENTUKAN KEMENTERIAN BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG KEMENTERIAN NEGARA: Politics of Law of Limitation of The President's Prerogative in the Formation of Ministries Based on The State Ministry Law Madjid, Mario Agritama S W Politics of Law Prerogatives President Ministry The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia mandates that it is necessary to have Ministers to assist the President in carrying out his executive duties. The logical consequence is that the President has the prerogative to determine the formation of the structure of Ministers in their cabinet. Historically, the President’s prerogative has problems such as the uncertainty of the number and type of Ministries which resulted in the cabinet being unable to run effectively and efficiently in carrying out the functions. The State Ministry Law exists to regulate how the formation, change, and dissolution of State Ministries, so that there are limits to the President’s power to determine the structure of Ministries in the cabinet in order to support the effectiveness of the running of government. This study intend to examine how the legal politics of the existence of restriction on the President’s prerogative in determining the structure of their cabinet based on The State Ministry Law. The type of research used in this study is normative juridical with the library research method. The data source used is secondary data which includes primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The results of this study is describe that The State Ministry Law has a responsive character because of the process of forming The State Ministry Law occurs through a democratic political configuration. Regarding the legal politics, the limitation of President’s prerogative in forming Ministries is aimed at strengthening the mechanism of checks and balances and strengthening the presidential system. Keywords: Politics of Law, Prerogatives, President, Ministry UUD 1945 mengamanatkan bahwa perlunya keberadaan Menteri untuk membantu Presiden dalam melaksanakan fungsinya di ranah ekesekutif. Konsekuensi logis dari hal tersebut adalah adanya hak prerogatif dari presiden untuk menentukan pembentukan struktur kementerian dalam kabinetnya. Dalam praktiknya hak prerogatif Presiden tersebut menuai problem, seperti tidak menentunya jumlah dan jenis kementerian yang berakibat pada tidak dapatnya berjalan efektif dan efisien suatu kabinet dalam menjalankan fungsinya. UU Kementerian Negara hadir sebagai upaya untuk mengatur bagaimana pembentukan, pengubahan, dan pembubaran kementerian negara, sehingga terdapat batasan terhadap kekuasaan presiden untuk menentukan struktur kementerian dalam kabinet dalam rangka menunjang efektifitas jalannya pemerintahan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji bagaimana politik hukum dari adanya pembatasan hak prerogatif Presiden dalam menentukan struktur kabinetnya berdasarkan UU Kementerian Negara. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, yaitu yuridis normatif dengan dengan menggunakan pendekatan konstitusional dan peraturan perundang-undangan. Hasil dari penelitian ini menguraikan bahwa UU No. 39 Tahun 2008 tentang Kementerian Negara memiliki karakter yang responsif karena proses pembentukan UU a quo terjadi melalui konfigurasi politik yang demokrasi. Terhadap politik hukum pembatasan hak prerogatif presiden dalam pembentukan kementerian adalah bertujuan untuk memperkuat mekanisme check and balances dan memperkuat sistem presidensial. Kata Kunci : Politik Hukum, Hak Prerogatif, Presiden, Kementerian UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/31 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.31 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 169-188 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/31/17 Copyright (c) 2022 Mario Agritama S W Madjid https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/33 2022-12-09T08:35:53Z cj:ART

PROBLEMATIKA KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PENGISIAN KEANGGOTAAN KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM REPUBLIK INDONESIA: Problems Of Women's Representatives In Filling In The Election Commission Of The Republic Of Indonesia Amwlia, Chintya women affirmative action general election commission The writing is aimed at finding problems that become obstacles for women in filling the representation quota at the Indonesian KPU. The next objective is to formulate strengthening efforts which are solutions to the problems at hand. Normative juridical and literature studies are the methods used in this writing. This research resulted in findings namely the obstacles in fulfilling women's representation in the KPU Institution. These obstacles arise from cultural factors, women's lack of knowledge and experience in electoral matters, as well as geographical problems. In this research also formulated efforts that can be done to break down these barriers. Keywords: women, affirmative action, general election commission Penulisan ditujukan guna menemukan permasalahan yang menjadi hambatan bagi perempuan dalam mengisi kuota keterwakilan di KPU RI. Tujuan berikutnya adalah untuk merumuskan upaya-upaya penguatan yang menjadi solusi atas masalah yang dihadapi. yuridis normatif serta studi kepustakaan merupakan metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini. Penelitian ini menghasilkan temuan yakni hambatan-hambatan dalam pemenuhan keterwakilan perempuan pada Lembaga KPU. Hambatan tersebut muncul dari faktor budaya, kurangnya pengetahuan dan pengalaman perempuan dalam kepemiluan, serta masalah geografis. Dalam penelitian ini dirumuskan pula upaya yang dapat dilakukan untuk mengurai hambatan-hambatan tersebut. Kata Kunci: perempuan, affirmative action, komisi pemilihan umum UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2022-12-09 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/33 10.35719/constitution.v1i2.33 Constitution Journal; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022): Constitution Journal December 2022; 189-202 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v1i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/33/18 Copyright (c) 2022 chintya amwlia https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/42 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH OLEH DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH PASCA PUTUSAN MK NO. 85/PUU-XX/2022: Regional Head Elections by People’s Legislative Council after the Prevailing of Constitutional Court Decision No 85/PUU-XX/2022 Riqiey, Baharuddin Pilkada DPRD Mahkamah Konstitusi The regional head election can be held in two models, namely direct election or election through People’s Legislative Council. Both are constitutional as stated in Constitutional Court Decision No. 97/PUU-XI/2013. However, after the prevailing of Constitutional Court Decision No. 85/PUU-XX/2022, which does not differentiate between general election and regional head election, then as one of the principles contained in Article 22E of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, namely the principle of "direct" becomes a problem. Thus, the aim of the paper is to examine and analyze the true meaning of the phrase "elected democratically" in Article 18 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, and the constitutionality of Regional Head Elections by People’s Legislative Council as well as who has the authority to decide disputes over the regional head elections. Legal research method with normative design was applied. The research findings indicate that the phrase "elected democratically" in Article 18 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia means that regional heads can be directly elected by the people or through People’s Legislative Council; but after the prevailing of Constitutional Court Decision No. 85/PUU-XX/2022, Regional Head Election through People’s Legislative Council is unconstitutional because it has been already included into the category of general election and must be carried out directly to the people as mandated in Article 22E of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, and the Constitutional Court  has the authority to decide disputes over the elections. Keywords: Pilkada, DPRD, Constitutional Court. Mekanisme pemilihan kepala daerah dapat dilaksanakan dengan dua model, yaitu dapat dilakukan secara langsung oleh rakyat, dan dapat dilakukan oleh DPRD. Dua model tersebut merupakan dua model yang konstitusional sebagaimana halnya dalam Putusan MK No. 97/PUU-XI/2013. Akan tetapi setelah lahirnya Putusan MK No. 85/PUU-XX/2022, yang mana tidak lagi membedakan antara rezim Pemilu dengan rezim Pilkada, maka sebagai salah satu asas yang terdapat pada Pasal 22E UUD NRI 1945 yakni asas “langsung” maka hal ini menjadi persoalan. Dengan demikian tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengkaji dan menganalisis makna sesungguhnya dari frasa “dipilih secara demokratis” dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) UUD NRI 1945, serta konstitusionalitas Pemilihan Kepala Daerah oleh DPRD, dan siapa yang berwenang dalam memutus perselisihan hasil sengketa Pilkada. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum dengan tipe penelitian normatif. Hasil penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa makna frasa “dipilih secara demokratis” dalam Pasal 18 ayat (4) UUD NRI 1945 dapat dipilih langsung oleh rakyat maupun juga dapat dipilih oleh DPRD akan tetapi pasca Putusan MK No. 85/PUU-XX/2022 Pemilihan Kepala Daerah oleh DPRD adalah inkonstitusional sebab Pilkada sudah masuk di dalam kategori rezim Pemilu dan harus dilakukan secara langsung oleh rakyat sebagaimana amanat dalam Pasal 22E UUD NRI 1945, dan yang berwenang dalam memutus perselisihan hasil sengketa Pilkada adalah MK. Kata Kunci : Pilkada, DPRD, Mahkamah Konstitusi UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/42 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.42 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 17-30 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/42/24 Copyright (c) 2023 Baharuddin Riqiey https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/43 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

INTEGRASI SYARIAH DALAM PERATURAN DAERAH INDONESIA: DIALEKTIKA FILSAFAT HUKUM ISLAM PROFETIK DAN PARADIGMA THOMAS KUHN: Sharia Integration in Indonesian Regional Regulations: Dialectics of Prophetic Islamic Law Philosophy and Thomas Kuhn's Paradigm Selly, Gress Hukum Profetik Perda Syariah Hukum Islam Kebaruan Hukum Thomas Kuhn The existence of Sharia Regional Regulations in Indonesia still reaps endless polemics over the suspicion of discriminatory policies that leads to human rights violations. Many Sharia Regional Regulations issued are influenced with the end of the Orde Baru regime which strongly encouraged the existence of sharia formalization into statutory regulations in the Reformasi Era. In practice, there are two different views in addressing the existence of these regional regulations, first where those who support the regulations by arguing the importance of regulating morality in society. On the other hand, these views are considered to be inconsistent with the state constitution and have a potential to cause socio-political turmoil considering that Indonesia is not a religious country. In addition, legal novelty becomes a necessity, where Thomas Kuhn argues that science is dynamic not static, legal science always experiences a revolution for legal novelty, and the adoption of Islamic law into positive law is a novelty for law paradigm in Indonesia. Using a literature study, this paper discusses how the principles of sharia integration into Regional Regulations using an overview of Islamic legal philosophy and the prophetic law paradigm. The results of the analysis show that the formalization of sharia into state administration affairs is influenced by historical factors to build the country with Islam as its national principle, as well as the influence of other factors such as social, cultural and religious. In the perspective of Islamic Law Philosophy, the function of legislation must be directed by policymakers to formulate rules oriented toward justice, expediency, and propriety. On the other hand, a review of Prophetic Law provides a view that Sharia Regional Regulations should not only limited to formal regulations which less represent values such as humanization, liberation, and transcendence. Keywords: Prophetic Law, Sharia Regional Regulation, Islamic Law, Legal Novelty, Thomas Kuhn.   Keberadaan perda berbasis syariah di Indonesia masih menuai polemik yang tidak berkesudahan akibat kekahawatiran adanya kebijakan yang diskriminatif dan mengarah kepada pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Banyak perda syariah yang muncul tidak terlepas dari selesainya pengaruh rezim orde baru yang mendorong semangat formalisasi syariah ke dalam peraturan perundang-undangan begitu kuat di era reformasi. Secara praktikal terdapat dua pandangan yang berbeda dalam menyikapi eksistensi dari perda tersebut, dimana pihak yang mendukung berargumentasi akan pentingnya pengaturan moralitas di masyarakat, di sisi lain pandangan tersebut justru dianggap tidak selaras dengan konstitusi negara, dan berpotensi menimbulkan gejolak sosial-politik mengingat negara Indonesia bukanlah negara agama. Selain itu, kebaruan hukum menjadi sebuah keniscayaan, dimana Thomas Kuhn berpendapat bahwa ilmu adalah dinamis bukan statis, Ilmu hukum senantiasa mengalami sebuah revolusi untuk kebaruan hukum, dan adopsi hukum islam kedalam hukum positif merupakan kebaruan dalam paradigma hukum di Indonesia. Menggunakan studi literatur, tulisan ini akan membahas bagaimana prinsip integrasi syariah ke dalam Perda menggunakan tinjauan filsafat hukum Islam dan paradigma hukum profetik. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa, Formalisasi syariah ke dalam urusan penyelenggaraan negara tidak terlepas dari faktor historis untuk membangun negara berdasarkan Islam sebagai dasar negara, serta adanya pengaruh faktor lain seperti sosial, budaya dan agama yang telah mengakar kuat. Dalam perspektif Filsafat Hukum Islam, fungsi legislasi harus diarahkan oleh pembuat kebijakan untuk merumuskan aturan yang berorientasi kepada keadilan, kemanfaatan, dan kepatutan. Di sisi lain, tinjauan hukum profetik memberikan pandangan supaya adanya perda syariah tidak hanya sebatas peraturan formal yang kurang merepresentasikan nilai-nilai seperti humanisasi, liberasi dan transendensi. Kata Kunci : Hukum Profetik, Perda Syariah, Hukum Islam, Kebaruan Hukum, Thomas Kuhn. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/43 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.43 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 1-16 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/43/20 Copyright (c) 2023 Gress Selly https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/44 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

Buying and Selling Gas LPG 3 Kg According to Law Number 8 of 1999 and Sharia: Case Study in Bengkalis District Hasan, Zulfikar Dhea Utari, Yuni Dewi , Irlina Law Number 8 Of 1999 Shariah , Ihtikar Consumer This analysis examined the phenomenon in Bengkalis District relating to purchasing 3 kg LPG gas. Researchers analyzed following Law No. 8 of 1999 concerning Consumer Protection Against the sale and purchase of 3 kg LPG gas. In addition, the research tries to analyze the prohibition of ihtikar for staples. Many problems arise because a business actor, one of which is a business actor, reduces the contents volume of gas liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) by 3 kg. Constraints in implementing the protection of the Kosumen against the sale and purchase of gas in Bengkalis Sub-Electricity, consumers need help getting 3 kg LPG gas due to some obstacles. There are still many consumers who feel that they live in injustice carried out by business actors to sell their merchandise because many business actors are looking for profit from consumers. This study also exposed the Ihtikar prohibition for basic goods. This study uses a qualitative method based on Law No. 8 of 1999 and explores, according to Muslim scholars, the ban on the accumulation of goods UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/44 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.44 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 109-120 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/44/26 Copyright (c) 2023 Zulfikar Hasan, Yuni Dhea Utari, Irlina Dewi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/45 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

POLITIK HUKUM DI DALAM HAK KEBEBASAN BERPENDAPAT PADA UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 1 TAHUN 2023 TENTANG KITAB UNDANG-UNDANG HUKUM PIDANA: Legal Politics in the Right to Freedom of Speech in Law Number 1 of 2023 Concerning Book of Criminal Codes Mahardika, Ahmad Gelora Hak Asasi Manusia Hukum Pemerintah Human rights are an essential part of the constitution. Therefore, any regulations should place human rights as the main paradigm in their formation process. Law Number 1 of 2023 concerning the Book of Criminal Code is a legal product emerged from a prolonged process. It is since the Indonesian legal system has a dream to have criminal law regulations that are in line with the values of the Indonesian nation. This concept is based on the fact that the previous Book of Criminal Code was a colonial legacy which of course was not in line with the traditions of the Indonesian nation. However, the existence of Articles 217 and 240 paragraph (1) of book of Criminal Codes which provide criminal sanctions for perpetrators of insulting against state institutions, government or President raises concerns that Indonesian law stands upright not to be in line with human rights principles. Based on that review, this article aims to answer the question of what it is the ideal political law related to insulting against President, state institutions or government to ensure that the Indonesian legal system is in line with human rights values, especially the right to freedom of speech. Normative juridical with comparative study was applied in this study. The hypothesis was that the provisions in Articles 217 and 240 paragraph (1) of Law Number 1 of 2023 contradict to human rights values. Keywords: human rights, law, government   Hak asasi manusia merupakan bagian penting dalam konstitusi. Oleh karena itulah, setiap regulasi apapun sepatutnya menempatkan hak asasi manusia sebagai paradigma utama dalam proses pembetukannya. UU Nomor 1 Tahun 2023 tentang KUHP merupakan produk hukum yang lahir dari proses yang berkepanjangan. Hal itu disebabkan, sistem hukum Indonesia mempunyai mimpi untuk mempunyai peraturan hukum pidana yang selaras dengan nilai-nilai bangsa Indonesia. Konsep tersebut disebabkan KHUP sebelumnya merupakan warisan kolonial yang tentu saja tidak selaras dan sejalan dengan tradisi bangsa Indonesia. Akan tetapi, adanya Pasal 217 dan 240 ayat (1) KHUP yang memberikan sanksi pidana bagi pelaku penghinaan terhadap lembaga negara, pemerintah atau Presiden memunculkan kekhawatiran bahwa hukum Indonesia justru berdiri tegak untuk tidak sejalan dengan prinsip hak asasi manusia. Berdasarkan hal tersebutlah, artikel ini hendak menjawab pertanyaan bagaimanakah politik hukum yang ideal terkait penghinaan terhadap Presiden, lembaga negara atau pemerintah untuk memastikan sistem hukum Indonesia selaras dengan nilai-nilai HAM khususnya hak untuk menyatakan pendapat. Metode penelitian yang penulis gunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan studi komparatif. Hipotesis dalam artikel ini adalah bahwa ketentuan dalam Pasal 217 dan 240 ayat (1) Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2023 bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia. Kata Kunci : Hak Asasi Manusia, Hukum, Pemerintah. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/45 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.45 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 31-58 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/45/22 Copyright (c) 2023 Ahmad Gelora Mahardika https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/50 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

CONSTITUTIONAL DISOBEDIENCE PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI: KAJIAN TERHADAP PERPPU CIPTA KERJA: Constitutional Disobedience of Constitutional Court Decisions: A Study of Job Creation Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Sumodiningrat, Aprilian Perppu Pembangkangan Konstitusi Presiden Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Number 2 Year 2022, concerning on Job Creation, was issued based on several considerations, such as the urgency of geopolitical crisis caused by Russian-Ukraine war, the worsening of world economic chain, the inflation threat, the stagflation, and also the need for investor certainty. The issue definitely does not reflect the meaningful participation in acts formation as stated by Constitutional Court decision No. 9/PUU-XVIII/2020. The study aims to examine the Constitutional Disobedience for Job Creation Government Regulation in Lieu of Law. The research findings are as follows; the first, the condition of compelling emergency within was not met, so that it could be rescinded by the Constitutional Court; the second, its issue could be categorized as defiance of that Constitutional Court decision previously stated, since it did not match what it was instructed, yet not based on objective situation. Keywords: Perppu; Constitutional Dissobedience, President. Perppu nomor 2 tahun 2022 tentang Cipta Kerja dikeluarkan dengan beberapa pertimbangan, seperti adanya kegentingan memaksa berupa krisis geopolitik yang disebabkan oleh peperangan Rusia Ukraina, rantai ekonomi dunia yang semakin memburuk,  ancaman inflasi, stagflasi, hingga perlunya kepastian investor. Penerbitan Perppu tersebut, tentu tidak mencerminkan adanya meaningful participation dalam pembentukan undang-undang sebagaimana putusan MK No. 9/PUU-XVIII/2020. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji mengenai Constitutional Disobedience dalam penerbitan Perppu Cipta Kerja. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, pertama, syarat "ihwal kegentingan memaksa" dalam Perppu Cipta Kerja tidak terpenuhi, sehingga Perppu tersebut dapat dibatalkan oleh MK. Kedua, penerbitan Perppu Cipta Kerja oleh Presiden dapat dikategorikan sebagai pembangkangan atas putusan MK No 9/PUU-XVIII/2020, karena tidak sesuai dengan yang diamanatkan, serta tidak berdasarkan keadaan objektif penerbitan Perppu. Kata Kunci: Perppu; Pembangkangan Konstitusi, Presiden. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/50 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.50 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 59-84 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/50/23 Copyright (c) 2023 Aprilian Sumodiningrat https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/53 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

QUO VADIS PENGANGKATAN GUNTUR HAMZAH SEBAGAI HAKIM MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DITINJAU DARI ASPEK KONSTITUSIONALITAS : Quo Vadis The Nomination Of Guntur Hamzah As Constitutional Court Judge From The Aspect Of Constitutionality Tama, Berlian Widya Oktaviana, Deka Mahkamah Konstitusi Hakim Konstitusi Konstitusionalitas. The formation of the Constitutional Court (MK) is an embodiment of the concept of checks and balances, the implications of constitutionalism, as well as efforts to administer state administration in accordance with the existing constitution. On November 23, 2022, the President officially appointed Guntur Hamzah as the new MK Judge replacing Aswanto. However, the process of appointing Guntur Hamza as a Constitutional Court Judge has drawn a lot of criticism because it is considered not in accordance with the existing legal process mechanism and is considered unconstitutional. In fact, the process of dismissing the previous judge, namely Judge Aswanto, also violated the law and was illegal and unconstitutional. Nevertheless, the President's attitude towards this appointment is also considered to be less than compromise. The president also seems only to follow the flow and actions of the DPR. This then strengthens the existence of indications of political motives and conflicts of interest behind the appointment of Guntur Hamzah as a Constitutional Court Judge either by the DPR, the President, or other related institutions. In general, this research was conducted to know the quo vadis of the appointment of Guntur Hamzah as a Constitutional Court Judge from a constitutional point of view. The method used in this study is normative juridical by using statutory and conceptual approaches. The data sources used consist of primary data and secondary data which will then be processed using qualitative descriptive data analysis techniques. From the analysis conducted by the author, it was found that the appointment of Guntur Hamzah as MK Judge was declared unconstitutional, there was a supportive attitude from the President towards the appointment of Guntur Hamzah as MK Judge, and there were indications of political motives and Abstrak Pembentukan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) merupakan perwujudan konsep check and balance, implikasi dari konstitualisme, serta upaya penyelenggaraan tata negara sesuai dengan konstitusi yang ada. Pada tanggal 23 November 2022 lalu, Presiden secara  resmi mengangkat Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK baru menggantikan Aswanto. Namun, proses Pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK telah menuai banyak kritik karena dianggap tidak sesuai dengan mekanisme proses hukum yang ada dan dianggap inkonstitusional. Pada faktanya, proses pemberhentian hakim sebelumnya, yaitu hakim Aswanto juga melanggar hukum dan tidak sah serta inkonstitusional. Kendati demikian, sikap Presiden terhadap pengangkatan ini juga dinilai kurang kompromis. Presiden juga terlihat tampak hanya mengikuti alur dan tindakan DPR. Hal ini kemudian memperkuat adanya indikasi motif politik dan conflict of interest dibalik pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK baik oleh DPR, Presiden, maupun lembaga terkait lainnya. Secara general, penelitian ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui quo vadis pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK ditinjau dari sudut pandang konstitusional. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konseptual. Sumber data yang digunakan terdiri dari data primer dan data sekunder yang kemudian akan diolah menggunakan teknik analisis data deskriptif kualitatif. Dari analisis yang dilakukan oleh Penulis, didapati hasil penelitian bahwa pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK dinyatakan inkonstitusional, adanya sikap mendukung dari Presiden terhadap pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK, dan Adanya Indikasi Motif Politik dan Konflik Kepentingan oleh DPR, Presiden, serta Lembaga Terkait dalam Pengangkatan Guntur Hamzah sebagai Hakim MK UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/53 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.53 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 43-56 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/53/30 Copyright (c) 2023 Berlian Widya Tama, Deka Oktaviana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/54 2023-05-31T17:14:47Z cj:ART

ANALISIS YURIDIS PUTUSAN MK NOMOR 79/PUU-XVII/2019 TENTANG REVISI KEDUA UNDANG-UNDANG KPK: Juridical Analysis of Constitutional Court Decision No. 79/PUU-XVII/2019 Concerning the Second Revision of Corruption Eradication Commission Law Deni Rofiqi, Ahmad Hadi, Sholikul Weakened KPK Constitutional Court Decision The Constitutional Court as the guardian of constitution is responsible for the implementation of fair national life as mandated by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. As in the controversy over the second revision of the Corruption Eradication Commission Law, the Constitutional Court needs to be present to guarantee the process of drafting, discussing and ratifying a law to know whether it has complied with the constitution or not. Thus, the mandate given to the Corruption Eradication Commission can be carried out in a directed manner based on the laws of eradicating corruption in Indonesia. The study applied normative juridical research methods with statute approach, historical approach, conceptual approach, analytical approach and philosophical approach. The research findings showed that the Constitutional Judge's Decision which stated that the appellants’ arguments were groundless according to law could not be justified and the Corruption Eradication Commission was weakened through this second revision of law Keywords: Weakened, KPK, Constitutional Court Decision..   Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai the guardian of constitution bertanggungjawab atas terselenggaranya kehidupan bernegara yang berkeadilan sebagaimana amanah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945. Seperti dalam kontroversi revisi kedua Undang-Undang KPK, Mahkamah Konstitusi perlu hadir untuk menjamin proses penyusunan, pembahasan dan pengesahan suatu undang-undang telah sesuai dengan konstitusi. Sehingga, mandat yang diberikan kepada Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi dapat dijalankan secara terarah berdasarkan undang-undang yang telah diatur untuk memberantas korupsi di Indonesia. Menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normative dengan pendekatan undang-undangan (statute approach), pendekatan kasus (case approach), pendekatan historis (historical approach), pendekatan konseptual (conseptual approach), pendekatan analitis (analythical approach) dan pendekatan filsafat (philosophical approach) menghasilkan simpulan bahwa Putusan Hakim konstitusi yang menyatakan dalil para pemohon tidak beralasan menurut hukum, tak dapat dibenarkan dan lembaga KPK dilemahkan melalui revisi kedua Undang-Undang ini.    Kata Kunci : Dilemahkan,  KPK, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-06-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/54 10.35719/constitution.v2i1.54 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023): Constitution Journal June 2023; 85-108 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/54/25 Copyright (c) 2023 Ahmad Deni Rofiqi, Sholikul Hadi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/64 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

JURIDICAL ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC INFORMATION DISCLOSURE IN GOVERNMENT SYSTEMS IN THE DIGITAL ERA Karimullah, Suud Sarim Sugitanata, Arif Elmurtadho, Fawwaz Democracy Digital Era Government System Public Information This article conducts a juridical analysis of public information disclosure in government systems in the digital era. The purpose of compiling this article is to identify legal issues related to public information disclosure in the digital era and provide appropriate legal solutions to overcome these problems. The research method used is a literature study by analyzing laws and regulations related to public information disclosure, as well as collecting the latest data and information about the use of information technology in government in a descriptive-analytical manner. The study results show that public information disclosure is a basic principle in a democratic government system that is fundamental for strengthening government accountability and encouraging public participation in policy-making. In the digital era, public information disclosure is becoming increasingly important, but it also requires the protection of information security and privacy because public information disclosure in the digital era has complex legal implications, such as issues of information security, personal data protection, and copyright issues. This article suggests that the government strengthen regulations regarding public information disclosure in the digital era, including developing strict information security standards and protecting intellectual property rights. In addition, the government also needs to increase public awareness about their right to obtain public information and develop an effective and efficient information system to facilitate access to public information. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/64 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.64 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 1-18 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/64/27 Copyright (c) 2023 Suud Sarim Karimullah, Arif Sugitanata, Fawwaz Elmurtadho https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/70 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

MENELISIK HAMBATAN PEMENUHAN HAK POLITIK MASYARAKAT ADAT DALAM KEPEMILIKAN E-KTP SEBAGAI PERWUJUDAN DEMOKRASI PANCASILA: Examining the Obstacles to Fulfilling the Political Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Ownership of E-KTPs as an Embodiment of Pancasila Democracy Pamungkas, Susandi Decapriu Putra Suputra, Gede Ngurah Darma Rista, Mirsya Lila Agua Masyarakat Adat Hak Politik Pemilu Kepemilikan KTP Indigenous communities are part of the people who live and settle and are therefore citizens of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Thus, indigenous peoples also have the same political rights as society in general. Inland tribes which contain indigenous communities often experience difficulties in fulfilling their political rights in elections because most of them do not have ID cards as a basic requirement for becoming voters. Therefore, this research aims to examine the protection of the constitutional rights of indigenous peoples in elections in Indonesia, the social and cultural factors that influence non-ownership of KTPs, and the government's recognition and efforts to fulfill the constitutional rights of indigenous peoples in elections. This research uses legal research methods with a normative juridical research type through a norms or statutory regulations approach to examine problems. Apart from that, this research also uses an approach through literature review through primary legal sources such as books, journal articles, the internet, and statutory regulations to improve the validity of this research. Indigenous peoples as residents living in Indonesian territory certainly have the oldest constitutional rights in the 1945 Constitution, one of which is political rights in elections. The participation of all Indonesian people in elections is closely related to the Pancasila democratic system implemented in Indonesia. However, indigenous peoples who do not have KTPs hamper their political rights in elections. This is caused by socio-cultural factors such as nomadic residence, belief system factors, and so on. Therefore, government efforts are needed, such as improving local public services, affirming policies specifically for indigenous communities, and discussing the drafting of planned articles of statutory regulations (RUU) and their ratification into law. Abstrak Masyarakat adat menjadi bagian dari rakyat yang tinggal dan menetap sehingga merupakan warga Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Dengan demikian, masyarakat adat juga memiliki hak politik yang sama dengan masyarakat pada umumnya. Suku-suku pedalaman yang di dalamnya terdapat masyarakat adat seringkali mengalami kesulitan dalam memenuhi hak politiknya dalam pemilu karena sebagian besar dari mereka tidak memiliki KTP sebagai syarat dasar menjadi pemilih. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji tentang perlindungan hak konstitusional masyarakat adat dalam pemilu di Indonesia, faktor sosial dan budaya yang memengaruhi ketidakmilikan KTP, dan pengakuan serta upaya pemerintah untuk memenuhi hak konstitusi masyarakat adat dalam pemilu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum dengan tipe penelitian yuridis normatif melalui pendekatan norma-norma atau peraturan perundang-undangan untuk mengkaji permasalahan. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga menggunakan pendekatan melalui kajian kepustakaan melalui sumber-sumber hukum primer baik buku, artikel jurnal, internet, dan perundang-undangan guna menyempurnakan keabsahan penelitian ini. Masyarakat adat sebagai penduduk yang tinggal di wilayah Indonesia tentu memiliki hak-hak konstitusional yang tertuang dalam UUD 1945, salah satunya hak politik dalam pemilu. Keikutsertaan seluruh masyarakat Indonesia dalam pemilu erat kaitannya dengan sistem demokrasi Pancasila yang diterapkan di Indonesia. Namun, masyarakat adat yang tidak memiliki KTP menghambat pemenuhan hak politiknya dalam pemilu. Hal tersebut disebabkan oleh faktor sosial-budaya seperti tempat tinggal yang nomaden, faktor sistem kepercayaan, dan lain sebagainya. Oleh karena itu, diperlukan upaya-upaya pemerintah seperti peningkatan pelayanan publik daerah setempat, dilakukannya kebijakan afirmasi khusus masyarakat adat, dan pembahasan mengenai perumusan pasal rancangan peraturan perundang-undangan (RUU) beserta pengesahannya menjadi UU. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/70 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.70 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 19-42 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/70/29 Copyright (c) 2023 Susandi Decapriu Putra Pamungkas, Gede Ngurah Darma Suputra, Mirsya Lila Agua Rista https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/73 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

PEMIKIRAN KH. ACHMAD SIDDIQ TENTANG RELASI AGAMA DAN NEGARA DI INDONESIA: KH. Achmad Siddiq’s Thoughts On The Relationship Between Religion And State Rahman, Mohammad Haris Taufiqur Harisudin, M. Noor KH. Achmad Siddiq Agama Negara The relationship between religion and the state is a subject that always exists to be studied, especially in the very diverse country of Indonesia. Pancasila is a big idea that is capable of bringing Indonesia independence, not only that, Pancasila is the basis of State philosophy, State ideology and at the same time the main source of all decisions and laws in the State of Indonesia. Pancasila is also able to become a link between the tensions that occur between groups supporting religion and the state. Until the figure of a cleric and umara appeared who was able to defuse the conflict between religion and the state, namely KH. Ahmad Siddiq. KH. Achmad Siddiq as a charismatic Kiai figure belonging to Nahdlatul Ulama is able to become a star who can unite and harmonize relations between religion and the state. From his brilliant thinking, Pancaila was finally accepted as the sole principle of the state. The type of research used is literature, which focuses and limits its activities to literature to obtain data without conducting research in the field. This research concluded; 1)KH. Achmad Siddiq was able to become a figure who could hypnotize Muslims, especially Nahdliyin residents, to accept Pancasila as the sole principle of the organization and state. This is a reference for religious communities (Islam), especially NU citizens in the state. 2) Regarding the concept of the relationship between religion and the state in Indonesia, it is known as the Tri Ukhuwah concept. First, Ukhuwwah Islamiyah, namely a brotherhood that grows and develops because of security or religious similarities, both at the national and international levels. Second, Ukhuwah Wataniyyah, namely a ukhuwah that grows and develops on the basis of a sense of nationalism. Third, Ukhuwwah Insaniyah (basyariyyah), namely ukhuwah that grows and develops on the basis of humanity. ABSTRAK Hubungan agama dan negara menjadi sebuah kajian yang selalu eksis untuk dikaji, apalagi di negara Indonesia yang sangat majemuk. Pancasila merupakan gagasan besar yang mampu membawa Indonesia merdeka, tidak hanya itu Pancasila merupakan sebuah dasar falsafah Negara, ideologi Negara dan sekaligus sumber utama dari segala sumber keputusan dan hukum di Negara Indonesia. Pancasila juga mampu menjadi penghubung antara ketegangan yang terjadi pada golongan pendukung agama dan negara. Hingga muncul sosok ulama dan sekaligus umara yang mampu meredam konflik antara agama dan negara, yaitu KH. Achmad Siddiq. KH. Achmad Siddiq sebagai sosok Kiai kharismatik yang dimiliki Nahdlatul Ulama mampu menjadi bintang yang dapat memersatukan dan menyelaraskan antara hubungan agama dan negara. Pengkajian agama dan negara dengan mengkaji pemikiran dari KH. Achmad Siddiq setidaknya menjadi referensi saat ini dengan semakin maraknya intoleransi yang terjadi. Dari pemikirannya yang cemerlang, Pancaila akhirnya diterima sebagai asas tunggal negara. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah kepustakaan, yang memusatkan serta membatasi kegiatannya pada kepustakaan untuk memperoleh data tanpa melakukan riset di lapangan. Penelitian ini memperoleh kesimpulan; 1) KH. Achmad Siddiq mampu menjadi sosok yang dapat menghipnotis umat Islam khususnya warga Nahdliyin untuk menerima Pancasila sebagai asas tunggal organisasi dan negara. Hal tersebut menjadi rujukan umat beragama (Islam) khususnya warga NU dalam bernegara. 2) Mengenai kosep hubungan agama dan negara di Indonesia, dikenal dengan konsep Tri Ukhuwah. Pertama, Ukhuwwah Islamiyah, yaitu ukhuwah yang tumbuh dan berkembang karena persamaan keamanan atau keagamaan, baik di tingkat nasional maupun internasional. Kedua, Ukhuwah Wataniyyah, yaitu ukhuwah yang tumbuh dan berkembang atas dasar rasa nasionalisme. Ketiga, Ukhuwwah Insaniyah (basyariyyah), yaitu ukhuwah yang tumbuh dan berkembang atas dasar kemanusiaan. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/73 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.73 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 75-96 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/73/33 Copyright (c) 2023 Mohammad Haris Taufiqur Rahman, M. Noor Harisudin https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/76 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

PERBANDINGAN PERLINDUNGAN PENCARI SUAKA DAN PENGUNGSI DI INDONESIA DAN NEGARA LAIN BERDASARKAN HAK ASASI MANUSIA: Comparison Of The Protection Of Asylum Seekers And Refugees In Indonesia And Other Countries Based On Human Rights Firdausiah, Nuril Listiyapuji, Fona Kartika Hak Asasi Pencari Suaka Pengungsi Perlindungan In principle, everyone has the right to move from one place to another, including leaving their own country and returning to their country. The problem of refugees is a quite complicated problem facing the world community today. In fact, everyone is guaranteed the right to seek and obtain asylum in another country to protect themselves from persecution. One form of population movement is displacement, both across countries and within the country's territory (Internal Displaced Persons). Displacement is a form of population movement that has different characteristics from other population movements, so it influences the protection mechanisms applied to them. In general, refugees are carried out because of the oppression of human rights in their country. Violations of human rights against an ethnic group by the country of origin force victims to flee to other countries to obtain protection so that both transit countries and destination countries that have not or have ratified the 1951 Convention must apply the principle of non-refoulement. Refugees are usually not provided with travel documents, so many experience abuse in their countries of origin, transit countries and destination countries. Each country is responsible for protecting refugees in their territory. To protect the rights and welfare of refugees, there is a special organization mandated by the United Nations ("UN"), namely the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In order to handle the problem of asylum seekers and refugees as explained above, each country has its own regulations or policies. Based on the background above, this article will discuss further the comparison of regulations for the protection of asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia and other countries. such as Thailand, Malaysia, Cambodia, Bangladesh and Australia as well as protection policies for asylum seekers and refugees based on human rights.   Absrtak Permasalahan mengenai pengungsi merupakan suatu persoalan yang cukup rumit yang dihadapi masyarakat dunia saat ini. Pada umumnya, pengungsian dilakukan karena terjadinya penindasan hak asasi manusia di negara mereka. Para pengungsi biasanya tidak dibekali dengan dokumen perjalanan sehingga banyak yang mengalami perlakuan sewenang-wenang baik di negara asal, negara transit, maupun negara tujuan. setiap negara bertanggung jawab untuk melindungi para pengungsi yang berada di wilayah teritorial mereka. Untuk melindungi hak-hak dan kesejahteraan pengungsi terdapat organisasi khusus yang diberikan mandat oleh Persatuan Bangsa-Bangsa (“PBB”), yaitu United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Dalam rangka menangani masalah pencari suaka dan pengungsi sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas maka masing-masing negara memiliki pengaturan atau kebijakannya masing-masing Berdasarkan latar belakang di atas, maka tulisan ini akan membahas lebih lanjut mengenai Perbandingan peraturan perlindungan pencari suaka dan pengungsi di Indonesia dan negara lain seperti thailand, malaysia, kamboja, bangladesh dan australia serta kebijakan perlindungan pencari suaka dan pengungsi berdasarkan hak asasi manusia. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/76 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.76 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 57-74 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/76/31 Copyright (c) 2023 Nuril Firdausiah, Fona Kartika Listiyapuji https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/79 2023-12-31T02:24:42Z cj:ART

ANALISIS KEWENANGAN MAHKAMAH KEHORMATAN DEWAN DALAM MENJAGA HARKAT DAN MARTABAT DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT: Analysis of the Authority of the Honorary Court of the Council in Maintaining the Dignity and Dignity of the House of Representatives Salamah, Naila Fitriah Hadi, Sholikul Kewenangan Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan Harkat dan Martabat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat The Council of Honor Court is an instrument of the House of Representatives which aims to uphold and maintain the honor and dignity of the House of Representatives. The formation of the Council's Honorary Court is also considered to increase the credibility of the People's Representative Council. The Honorary Council Council as an instrument has a very important role but has not yet achieved maximum results. This can be seen from several decisions issued by the Council's Honorary Court which are irrelevant so that the decisions made are deemed not to implement the objectives of establishing the Council's Honorary Court. The aim of this research is to analyze and describe the authority of the Council's Honorary Court in maintaining the honor and dignity of the DPR based on the regulations that have been established. The research method used is a normative research method.The results of this research are that the authority of the Council's Honorary Court is explained in the Regulation of the People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia Number 2 of 2015 concerning Procedures for the Council's Honorary Court. In the process of exercising authority it was stated that it was not in accordance with the regulations that had been determined, this was based on the facts and decisions that had been issued by the Council's Honorary Court. The membership structure of the Council's Honorary Court is considered weak, this is based on the membership of the Council's Honorary Court which still consists of only the People's Representative Council, which can give rise to conflict of interest. Abstak Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan merupakan alat kelengkapan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat yang memiliki tujuan untuk menegakkan serta menjaga harkat dan martabat Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Dibentuknya Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan juga dianggap dapat meningkatkan kredibilitas Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat. Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan sebagai alat kelengkapan memiliki peran yang sangat penting namun belum memiliki hasil yang maksimal. Hal demikian dilihat dari beberapa putusan yang dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan yang tidak relevan sehingga putusan yang ditetapkan dianggap tidak mengimplementasikan tujuan terbentuknya Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan kewenangan Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan di dalam menjaga harkat dan martabat DPR berdasarkan peraturan yang telah di tetapkan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian normatif. Hasil penelitian ini adalah Wewenang Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan dijelaskan dalam Peraturan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia Nomor 2 Tahun 2015 tentang Tata Beracara Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan. Pada proses pelaksanaan kewenangan dnyatakan tidak sesuai dengan peraturan yang telah ditetapkan hal demikian berdasarkan fakta-fakta dan putusan yang telah dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan. Struktur keanggotaan Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan dianggap lemah hal demikian didasarkan pada keanggotaan Mahkamah Kehormatan Dewan yang masih terdiri dari Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat saja sehingga dapat menimbulkan conflict interest. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2023-12-23 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/79 10.35719/constitution.v2i2.79 Constitution Journal; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023): Constitution Journal December 2023; 97-114 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v2i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/79/34 Copyright (c) 2023 Naila Fitriah Salamah, Sholikul Hadi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/90 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

URGENSI PEMBENTUKAN MAJELIS HAKIM AD HOC MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM PERKARA JUDICIAL REVIEW: The Urgency of Forming an Ad Hoc Panel of Judges at the Constitutional Court in Judicial Review Cases Alghifari, Muh Mallongi, Andi Agung Nuraiman, Nuraiman Judicial Review Hakim Ad Hoc Mahkamah Konstitusi This research employs a juridical-normative legal research method with a statutory approach and a case approach to explore the procedure for establishing the Ad Hoc Panel of the Constitutional Court as a response to violations of the principle of nemo judex in causa sua. The aim of this research is to outline the procedure for establishing the Ad Hoc Panel of the Constitutional Court and its implications for maintaining the integrity of the Constitutional Court. The formation of the Ad Hoc Panel of the Constitutional Court is a relevant alternative in this context. Ad Hoc Judges, selected based on their expertise and specialized experience in constitutional law, can assist in handling complex or sensitive cases without conflicts of interest that would compromise the judicial process. These measures are expected to enhance the integrity and credibility of the Constitutional Court, enabling it to fulfill its functions as an upholder of the constitution free from external influence, and strengthen public trust in the constitutional justice system. Despite challenges in implementing this mechanism, such as the proper selection of Ad Hoc Judges and oversight mechanisms, these steps are crucial in ensuring the enforcement of the principle of nemo judex in causa sua Abstrak Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan (statue approach) dan pendekatan kasus (case approach) untuk mengeksplorasi prosedur pembentukan Majelis Hakim Ad Hoc Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai respons terhadap pelanggaran asas nemo judex in causa sua. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menguraikan prosedur pembentukan Majelis Hakim Ad Hoc Mahkamah Konstitusi serta implikasinya dalam menjaga integritas Mahkamah Konstitusi. Pembentukan Majelis Hakim Ad Hoc Mahkamah Konstitusi menjadi alternatif yang relevan dalam konteks ini. Hakim Ad Hoc, dipilih berdasarkan keahlian dan pengalaman khusus di bidang hukum konstitusi, dapat membantu menangani perkara-perkara kompleks atau sensitif tanpa adanya konflik kepentingan yang merugikan proses peradilan. Langkah-langkah ini diharapkan dapat meningkatkan integritas dan kredibilitas Mahkamah Konstitusi, menjalankan fungsi-fungsinya sebagai lembaga penegak konstitusi yang bebas dari pengaruh eksternal, serta memperkuat kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap sistem peradilan konstitusi. Meskipun masih terdapat tantangan dalam implementasi mekanisme ini, seperti pemilihan hakim Ad Hoc yang tepat dan mekanisme pengawasannya. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/90 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.90 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 1-22 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/90/35 Copyright (c) 2024 Muh Alghifari, Andi Agung Mallongi, Nuraiman Nuraiman https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/91 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

LEGAL STANDING PERATURAN SEMA NO. 2 TAHUN 2023 DALAM POLEMIK ATURAN KAWIN BEDA AGAMA: Legal Standing Sema Regulation no. 2 of 2023 in the Polemic on the Rules for Marriage between Different Religions Masyayih, Ali Akbar Al Waris, Moh. Wahyu Perkawinan Beda Agama Peraturan Perundang-Undangan Surat Edaran Mahkamah Agung Interfaith marriage is currently still a hot topic of discussion among legal observers and the general public. This is very logical considering that Indonesia is a country that is diverse in beliefs, languages ??and religions. The aim of this research is to find out the legal standing or position of SEMA Number 2 of 2023. This research method is normative juridical. The approach used is a statutory regulation approach, namely an approach implemented based on new and/or current legislation in force as related positive law and a concept approach is an approach implemented based on the forms and concepts that can be obtained in opinions. scholarly opinions or legal doctrines relating to related legal issues.  Data collection was carried out by means of literature study. The theory used is Gustav Radbruch's legal certainty. The research results show that SEMA No. 2 of 2023, which was initially hoped to be able to overcome the polemic regarding the regulation of interfaith marriages, however, it is still a long-standing controversy surrounding interfaith marriages. Abstak Perkawinan beda agama pada saat ini masih menjadi perbincangan hangat oleh para pengamat hukum serta khalayak umum. Hal ini sangat logis mengingat Indonesia adalah negara yang beragam dari kepercayaan, Bahasa dan agama. Tujuan penelitian ini yaitu mengetahui legal standing atau kedudukan SEMA Nomor 2 Tahun 2023. Metode penelitian  ini  ialah  yuridis  normatif. Pendekatan   yang   digunakan merupakan    pendekatan    peraturan    perundang-undangan    yakni    pendekatan    yang dilaksanakan  berlandaskan  pada  Peraturan  Perundang-Undangan  baru  dan  atau  sedang berlaku  sebagai  hukum  positif  yang  terkait  dan  pendekatan  konsep  ialah  pendekatan yang  dilaksanakan  dengan  didasarkan  pada  bentuk-bentuk  dan  konsep  yang  dapat diperoleh  dalam  pendapat-pendapat  sarjana  atau  doktrin-doktrin  hukum  yang  berkaitan dengan  persoalan  hukum  terkait.  Pengumpulan  data  dilaksanakan  dengan  cara  studi pustaka. Teori yang digunakan adalah kepastian hukum milik Gustav Radbruch. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan SEMA No. 2 Tahun 2023 yang pada awalnya diharapkan mampu mengatasi polemik peraturan kawin beda agama namun masih saja menjadi polemik kontroversi yang bekepanjanganseputar perkawinan beda agama.   UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/91 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.91 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 63-76 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/91/40 Copyright (c) 2024 Ali Akbar Masyayih, Moh. Wahyu Al Waris https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/92 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

MEMPERKUAT FONDASI DEMOKRASI: ANALISIS DAMPAK NEPOTISME DAN STRATEGI PENGENDALIAN DALAM MEMBANGUN DEMOKRASI IDEAL: Strengthening The Foundations Of Democracy: Analysis Of The Impact Of Nepotism And Control Strategies In Building An Ideal Democracy Sugitanata, Arif Aminah, Siti Abdurrasyied, Muhammad Hasyied Demokrasi Nepotisme Negara This article aims to elucidate the phenomenon of nepotism within the context of democracy, utilizing a qualitative research approach and a descriptive-analytical methodology based on a literature review. It addresses three primary issues: firstly, the construction of an ideal democracy; secondly, the impact of nepotism on the integrity of democracy; and thirdly, practical strategies for combating nepotistic practices. The study reveals that an ideal democracy should champion the principles of popular sovereignty, transparency, accountability, and meritocracy. However, nepotism undermines these principles by allocating positions and resources based on personal relationships rather than competence, reducing the quality of public policy and creating social disparities. It erodes public trust and inhibits citizen participation in the democratic process. Nepotistic practices contribute to political and economic stagnation and disrupt the equitable distribution of social justice, with long-term impacts such as the erosion of institutional integrity. This article recommends combating nepotism by implementing stringent anti-nepotism laws, strengthening independent oversight bodies, and using information technology to enhance transparency and accountability. Public education on integrity and professionalism is also emphasized as a means to raise awareness and reduce tolerance for nepotism. Overall, the article provides deep insights into how ideal democracy can be degraded by nepotism and offers concrete strategies to reinforce the foundations of democracy, ensure social justice, and support sustainable economic growth. Collective efforts to eradicate nepotism will not only strengthen democracy but also ensure that governance is more effective and fair. Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan fenomena nepotisme dalam konteks demokrasi, dengan menggunakan studi kepustakaan berbasiskan jenis penelitian kualitatif dan sifat penelitian yang dilakukakn secara deskriptif-analitik. Artikel ini menjelaskan tiga pokok masalah yang dikemukakan, pertama, konstruksi demokrasi ideal, kedua, dampak nepotisme terhadap integritas demokrasi, dan ketiga, strategi efektif untuk memerangi praktik nepotisme. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa demokrasi ideal harus mengedepankan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat, transparansi, akuntabilitas, dan meritokrasi. Namun, nepotisme mengancam prinsip-prinsip ini dengan mengalokasikan posisi dan sumber daya berdasarkan hubungan pribadi, bukan kompetensi, mengurangi kualitas kebijakan publik, dan menciptakan disparitas sosial. Hal ini merusak kepercayaan publik dan menghambat partisipasi warga dalam proses demokratis. Praktik nepotisme menyebabkan stagnasi politik dan ekonomi serta mengganggu pemerataan keadilan sosial, dengan dampak jangka panjang berupa erosi integritas institusional. Artikel ini merekomendasikan untuk memerangi nepotisme dengan mengimplementasikan undang-undang anti-nepotisme yang ketat, penguatan lembaga pengawas independen, serta penggunaan teknologi informasi untuk meningkatkan transparansi dan akuntabilitas. Pendidikan publik tentang integritas dan profesionalisme juga ditekankan sebagai upaya meningkatkan kesadaran dan mengurangi toleransi terhadap nepotisme. Secara keseluruhan, artikel ini memberikan wawasan mendalam tentang bagaimana demokrasi yang ideal dapat terdegradasi oleh nepotisme dan menawarkan strategi konkret untuk memperkuat fondasi demokrasi, memastikan keadilan sosial, dan mendukung pertumbuhan ekonomi yang berkelanjutan. Upaya kolektif dalam memberantas nepotisme tidak hanya akan memperkuat demokrasi tetapi juga memastikan bahwa pemerintahan berjalan lebeih efektif dan adil. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/92 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.92 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 23-40 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/92/37 Copyright (c) 2024 Arif Sugitanata, Siti Aminah, Muhammad Hasyied Abdurrasyied https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/97 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

DEKONSTRUKSI TRANSISI ENERGI MELALUI OPTIMALISASI ENERGI TERBARUKAN DENGAN AKSELERASI PAJAK KARBON: Deconstructing the Energy Transition Through Renewable Energy Optimization with Carbon Tax Acceleration Vico, Nanda Sianipar, Josua Keadilan Ekologis Pajak karbon Transisi Energi Paris Agreement became a insiator of accelerating climate change in Indonesia, Indonesia have a policy named Green Growth Program that is program to accelerate economic recovery that can reduce poverty, social inclusion, environmental sustainability, and resource efficiency. Crucial issues regarding environmental sustainability and resource efficiency are green investment to energy transition. Criticism of programs that seek to solve the problem of green investment and energy transition is a policy that has environmental, social, and economic dimensions simultaneously, one of which is the carbon tax policy. Carbon tax which has a futuristic mission to accelerate the energy transition, especially coal energy, is an important part of the existence of the Indonesia Green Growth Program, The methods used in this article are normative juridical methods as well as statutory approaches, comparative approaches, and conceptual approaches. The discussion in this article will include: First, Energy Transition is gradual and sustainable with economic instruments. Second, discussion of procedural mechanisms, legal rules, and objectives to be achieved from the energy transition. The last is the correlation between Energy Transformation through Carbon Tax and the realization of the Indonesia Green Growth Program Based on the presentation that has been done, the conclusion of this article is in the form of a conceptual idea that the carbon tax mechanism is a correlated policy and has quite realistic prospects in the implementation of the Indonesia Green Growth Program in the environmental sector to achieveecological justice. Abstrak Paris Agreement menjadi sebuah insiator aksi perubahan iklim di Indonesia yang kemudian diaktualisasikan melalui Indonesia Green Growth Program Kebijakan tersebut merupakan sebuah program untuk melakukan percepatan pemulihan ekonomi yang dapat mengurangi kemiskinan, inklusi sosial, kelestarian lingkungan, serta efisiensi sumber daya. Permasalahan krusial mengenai kelestarian lingkungan dan efisiensi sumber daya adalah investasi hijau dan transisi energi. Konkritisasi terhadap program yang berusaha menyelesaikan permasalahan investasi hijau dan transisi energi adalah sebuah kebijakan yang berdimensi lingkungan, sosial, dan ekonomi secara bersamaan, salah satunya adalah kebijakan pajak karbon. Pajak karbon yang memiliki misi futuristik akselerasi transisi energi khususnya energi batu bara menjadi sebuah bagian penting dari keberadaan Indonesia Green Growth Program, Metode yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah metode yuridis normatif serta pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan komparasi dan pendekatan konseptual. Pembahasan dalam artikel ini akan meliputi: Pertama, Transisi Energi secara bertahap dan berkelanjutan dengan alat ukur instrument ekonomi. Kedua, pembahasan terhadap mekanisme prosedural, aturan  hukum, serta tujuan yang akan dicapai dari transisi energi tersebut. Serta yang terakhir adalah korelasi antara Tranisisi Energi melalui Pajak Karbon dengan realisasi Indonesia Green Growth Program Berdasarkan pemaparan yang telah dilakukan, kesimpulan dari artikel  ini berupa sebuah gagasan konseptual bahwa mekanisme pajak karbon merupakan sebuah kebijakan yang korelat serta memiliki prospek yang cukup realistis dalam implementasi Indonesia Green Growth Program dalam bidang lingkungan demi tercapai keadilan ekologis. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/97 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.97 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 99-114 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/97/42 Copyright (c) 2024 Nanda Vico, Josua Jerikho https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/99 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

HUBUNGAN PANCASILA DENGAN TEORI POSITIVISME DALAM PERSPEKTIF KONSTITUSI: The Relationship between Pancasila and Positivism Theory in a Conceptual Perspective Mardika Norma Dasar Pancasila Teori-Teori Positivisme The origins of Pancasila as a basic norm (grundnorm) or staatsfundamentalnorm, as well as the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia as the highest law in the hierarchy of laws and regulations in Indonesia can be traced through the development of positivist theories. The research seeks to test the relevance of positivist theories to the premise “Pancasila is the source of all sources of law.” The research methods used are a statutory approach, a conceptual approach and a doctrinal approach. The results of the research concluded that Pancasila in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is a basic norm, which goes beyond the status of positive law and is placed outside the circle of positive legal order/hierarchy of statutory regulations, so its validity is much higher and is “mandatory” in nature rather than anything else, so that basic norms become the validity /touchstone for all positive law in Indonesia. Abstrak Asal mula Pancasila sebagai norma dasar (grundnorm) atau staatfundamentalnorm, serta Konstitusi UUD NRI 1945 sebagai hukum tertinggi dalam hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia dapat ditelusuri melalui perkembangan pemikiran teori-teori positivisme. Pada penelitian ini berupaya untuk menguji relevansi teori-teori positivisme terhadap premis “Pancasila adalah sumber dari segala sumber hukum.” Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan doktrinal. Hasil penelitian disimpulkan bahwa Pancasila dalam Konstitusi UUD NRI 1945 adalah norma dasar, yang melampaui status hukum positif dan diletakkan di luar dari lingkaran tata hukum positif/hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan, maka daya berlakunya jauh lebih tinggi yang sifatnya “wajib” daripada apapun itu, sehingga norma dasar menjadi validitas/batu uji bagi seluruh hukum positif di Indonesia. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/99 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.99 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 77-98 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/99/41 Copyright (c) 2024 Mardika Mardika https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/101 2025-06-19T17:02:12Z cj:ART

BATAS KEKUASAAN PRESIDEN DALAM KONSTITUSI INDONESIA: Limits Of The President's Powers In The Indonesian Constitution Mohammad Haris Taufiqur Rahman Batasan Kekuasaan Presiden Kontitusi Indonesia The presidential system of government adopted by Indonesia ideally provides broad powers for the president to carry out his executive duties. These broad powers can only be limited by other powers for constitutional reasons. This article intends to explore two major concepts in constitutional law, namely prerogative rights and the principle of separation of powers as constitutional limits on the president's executive power. The analytical tools used include historical approaches, constitutional theory and practices applicable in other countries, namely the United States, New Zealand and Canada. The results of the analysis show that prerogative rights are different from the president's executive rights. Prerogative rights provide broad space for the president to use his powers to fill spaces that have not been regulated in the constitution while carrying out his executive duties. The limitation of prerogative rights is that their use is limited to emergencies until the legislative body can regulate it in legislation. Meanwhile, the principle of separation of powers postulates two interpretations, namely formalist and functionalist. The formalist view is based on the unitary power doctrine which prohibits all forms of intervention by other branches of power on executive power, while the functionalist approach assumes that limits on executive power are possible as long as they do not have a fundamental impact on the president's ability to exercise his executive power. Abstrak Sistem pemerintahan presidensial yang dianut oleh Indonesia idealnya memberikan kekuasaan yang luas bagi presiden untuk melaksakan tugas eksekutifnya. Kekuasaan yang luas tersebut hanya dapat dibatasi oleh kekuasaan lain dengan alasan konstitusional. Tulisan ini bermaksud untuk mendalami dua konsep besar dalam hukum tata negara yaitu hak prerogatif dan prinsip separation of powers sebagai batasan konstitusional kekuasaan eksekutif presiden. Alat analisis yang digunakan antara lain adalah pendekatan sejarah, teori konstitusi dan praktek yang berlaku dinegara lain yaitu Amerika Serikat, New Zealand dan Canada. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa hak prerogatif berbeda dengan hak eksekutif presiden. Hak prerogatif memberikan ruang yang luas kepada presiden untuk menggunakan kekuasaannya untuk mengisi ruang yang belum diatur dalam konstitusi sepanjang untuk menjalankan tugas eksekutifnya. Batasan hak prerogatif adalah penggunaannya yang dibatasi pada keadaan darurat sampai dengan lembaga legislatif dapat mengaturnya dalam perundangundangan. Sedangkan prinsip separation of powers mendalilkan dua penafsiran yaitu formalis dan fungsionalis. Pandangan formalis mendasarkan dirinya pada unitary power doctrine yang melarang segala bentuk intervensi cabang kekuasaan lain terhadap kekuasaan eksekutif, sedangkan pendekatan fungsionalis beranggapan bahwa batasan kekuasaan eksekutif dimungkinkan selama tidak berdampak secara mendasar kepada presiden untuk menjalankan kekuasaan eksekutifnya. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/101 10.35719/constitution.v3i1.101 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024): Constitution Journal June 2024; 41-62 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v3i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/101/38 Copyright (c) 2024 Mohammad Haris Taufiqur Rahman https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/102 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Syarat dan Masa Jabatan Pimpinan KPK Perspektif Islamic Constitusionalism (Analisis Putusan MK No.112/PUU-XX/2022) Kurniawan, Yusuf Fendi Santoso, Lukman Putusan MK Jabatan Pimpinan KPK Islamic Constitutionalism Based on Article 24C of the 1945 Constitution, the Constitutional Court has the authority to conduct judicial review of laws against the 1945 Constitution, known as judicial review. The Constitutional Court's decision usually rejects several applications that change the norms of the Law on the grounds of open legal policy which is the authority of the lawmakers. This research aims to explore the legal reasoning of judges in interpreting the 1945 Constitution in Constitutional Court Decision Number 112/PUU-XX/2022 which amended Article 29e of Law 19/2019 and Article 34 of Law 30/2002, as well as the implications of the decision for the existence of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) from the perspective of Islamic constitutionalism. This research uses statutory and conceptual approaches. This study found that the testing of Article 29e of Law 19/2019 and Article 34 of Law 30/2002 is more inclined to non-originalism, judicial activism, and prudential interpretations that involve political calculations and inconsistencies. The implications of Constitutional Court Decision No. 112/PUU-XX/2022 on the existence of the KPK from the perspective of Islamic Constitutionalism lead to an unfair KPK leadership appointment process, so that the effectiveness of the KPK in eradicating corruption can be disrupted, threatening public justice and potentially creating injustice. This study contributes to strengthening the implementation of the separation of powers and the implementation of the principle of checks and balances in Indonesia. Abstrak Berdasarkan Pasal 24C UUD 1945, Mahkamah Konstitusi memiliki kewenangan untuk melakukan uji materiil terhadap Undang-Undang terhadap Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, yang dikenal sebagai judicial review. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi lazimnya menolak beberapa permohonan yang mengubah norma UU dengan alasan open legal policy yang merupakan kewenangan pembuat Undang-Undang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali nalar hukum hakim dalam menafsirkan UUD 1945 dalam putusan MK Nomor 112/PUU-XX/2022 yang mengubah pasal 29e UU 19/2019 dan pasal 34 UU 30/2002, serta implikasi putusan tersebut terhadap keberadaan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dari perspektif Islamic constitutionalism. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Penelitian ini menghasilkan temuan bahwa pengujian pasal 29e UU19/2019 dan pasal 34 UU 30/2002 lebih condong pada non-originalism, judicial activism, dan penafsiran prudensial yang melibatkan kalkulasi politik dan inkonsisten. Implikasi putusan MK Nomor 112/PUU-XX/2022 terhadap eksistensi KPK dari perspektif Islamic Constitutionalism mengarah pada proses penunjukan pimpinan KPK yang tidak adil, sehingga efektivitas KPK dalam memberantas korupsi dapat terganggu, mengancam keadilan masyarakat dan berpotensi menciptakan kezaliman. Kajian ini berkontribusi untuk penguatan pelaksanaan pemisahan kekuasaan dan pelaksanaan prinsip check and balances di Indonesia. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/102 10.35719/constitution.v3i2.102 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 115-138 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/102/43 Copyright (c) 2024 Yusuf Fendi Kurniawan, Lukman Santoso https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/104 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Need For Constitutional Review To Accommodate Zakat And Waqf Laws In Nigeria Muhammad, Adamu Abubakar Ardo, Adam Muhammad Mashema, Bashir Liman Muhammad, Anas Adam Constitutional Review Nigeria Zakat and Waqf Laws This paper investigates the fundamental elements of Islamic social welfare and economic systems Waqf and Zakat. As required almsgiving and charitable endowments, they are essential to wealth redistribution and communal support. Regardless of their relevance, the absence of official recognition and incorporation within the national legal system poses significant obstacles for these institutions in Nigeria. In an effort to increase the effectiveness and influence of Zakat and Waqf legislation in Nigeria, this study makes the case for a constitutional review that would include them. A qualitative research approach was taken, utilizing contents analysis for data analysis as well as literature and interview to obtain pertinent information. According to the research, the Nigerian constitution does not explicitly and immediately formalize the Waqf and Zakat institutions, and new legislation is required to enable their creation and management. The study offers a thorough analysis of pertinent federal laws and acts as a viable remedy to improve the Waqf and Zakat systems throughout Nigeria. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/104 10.35719./constitution.v3i2.104 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 177-192 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/104/47 Copyright (c) 2024 Adamu Abubakar Muhammad, Adam Muhammad Ardo, Bashir Liman Mashema, Anas Adam Muhammad https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/105 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Perlindungan Hukum Hak Privasi Warga Negara terhadap Kebocoran Data Pribadi di Indonesia Tamam, Badrut Ikrom, Moh Bagas Fadhli Dzil Sistem Hak Privasi Kebocoran Data This research is library research that is normative jurisprudence. With a statue approach and a conceptual approach (conceptual approach), We conduct the analysis by descriptively examining the pertinent legal documents, specifically the laws pertaining to the safeguarding of Indonesian citizens' personal data. The purpose of this research is to study the privacy rights regulation in Indonesia and to examine the authority of the parties related to the protection of privacy rights in Indonesia, as well as to study legal protection related to privacy protection in the future. The results of this study show that there are three conclusions: first: the legal protection of the right to privacy through repressive law enforcement in cases of data leakage in Indonesia. Second, the jurisdiction in the judicial protection of privacy rights against data leaks has not been implicitly found in existing regulations, so it requires a specific authority. Third: The legal protection related to privacy protection in Indonesia must be conceived and structured effectively by looking at the legal culture of the people through the mechanisms of the legal tradition in Indonesia in accordance with the theory of the existing system. Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji perlindungan hukum terhadap hak privasi warga negara Indonesia terkait kebocoran data pribadi dan kewenangan pihak yang berkompeten dalam penanggulangan masalah ini. Penelitian ini merupakan jenis penelitian yuridis normatif yang bersifat library research atau kepustakaan, serta pendekatan Undang-Undang (statute approach) dan konseptual (conceptual approach) untuk menganalisis peraturan yang ada terkait perlindungan data pribadi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan tiga kesimpulan utama: pertama, perlindungan hukum terhadap hak privasi lebih mengandalkan penegakan hukum represif atas kasus kebocoran data di Indonesia; kedua, kewenangan dalam perlindungan hak privasi terhadap kebocoran data belum diatur secara eksplisit dalam regulasi yang ada, sehingga diperlukan instansi yang memiliki kewenangan khusus; ketiga, perlindungan hukum terkait hak privasi di Indonesia di masa depan perlu terkonsep dengan lebih terstruktur dan efektif, memperhatikan budaya hukum masyarakat Indonesia melalui mekanisme tradisi hukum sesuai dengan teori sistem yang ada. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/105 10.35719/constitution.v3i2.105 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 139-154 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/105/45 Copyright (c) 2024 Badrut Tamam, Moh Bagas Fadhli Dzil Ikrom https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/108 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Peran Gubernur Sebagai Pelaksana Pembinaan dan Pengawasan Terhadap Pembentukan Produk Hukum Daerah di Jawa Timur Marjani, Ach. Fickry Lengga Hadi, Sholikul Peran Gubernur Pembinaan Pengawasan Pembentukan Produk Hukum Daerah The Governor has a role as a coach and supervisor of the formation of regional legal products. In the implementation of guidance and supervision, there are obstacles with the abundance of Regional Legal Products totaling 3800 during 2023 submitted by Regency / City in East Java, both in the form of Draft Regional Regulations (Raperda) and Draft Regional Head Regulations (Raperkada). This dynamic creates a significant imbalance considering that the number of Human Resources (HR) that can handle the complexity of supervision is limited. With so many legal initiatives filed, it is necessary to design a wise approach to ensure that the binwas process is not only effective but also efficient. To identify these problems, this researcher uses empirical legal research, to look at the law in real terms. By using socio-legal, legislative and conceptual approaches. The data collection techniques used interviews, observation, and documentation.The results of the research: 1) The role of the Governor of East Java in the guidance and supervision of regional legal products is very strategic to ensure quality, conformity with higher regulations, and benefits for the community. With the realization of facilitation of only 388 of the total legal products in the past year, regular coordination between local governments and the Provincial Legal Bureau has shown positive results. Policy support, leadership commitment, and human resource development are needed to improve the effectiveness of this process. 2) The role of the Governor of East Java in the guidance and supervision of regional legal products is in accordance with PP No. 33/2018 and Permendagri No. 80/2015. However, there are challenges such as limited human resources and bureaucracy that hinder its effectiveness. Abstrak Gubernur memiliki peran sebagai pembina dan pengawas terhadap pembentukan produk hukum daerah. Dalam pelaksanaan pembinaan dan pengawasan terdapat kendala dengan adanya kelimpahan Produk Hukum Daerah sebanyak 3800 selama tahun 2023 yang diajukan Kabupaten/Kota di Jawa Timur, baik dalam bentuk Rancangan Peraturan Daerah (Raperda) maupun Rancangan Peraturan Kepala Daerah (Raperkada). Dinamika ini menimbulkan ketidakseimbangan yang cukup mencolok mengingat jumlah Sumber Daya Manusia (SDM) yang dapat menangani kompleksitas pengawasan tersebut terbatas. Dengan begitu banyaknya inisiatif hukum yang diajukan, perlu dirancang pendekatan yang bijak untuk memastikan bahwa proses binwas tidak hanya efektif tetapi juga efisien. Untuk mengidentifikasi permasalahan tersebut, peneliti ini menggunakan jenis penelitian hukum empiris, untuk melihat hukum dalam arti nyata. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan socio-legal, perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Adapun teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi. Hasil dari penelitian: 1) Peran Gubernur Jawa Timur dalam pembinaan dan pengawasan produk hukum daerah sangat strategis untuk memastikan kualitas, kesesuaian dengan peraturan yang lebih tinggi, dan manfaat bagi masyarakat. Dengan realisasi fasilitasi hanya 388 dari total produk hukum dalam satu tahun terakhir, koordinasi rutin antara pemerintah daerah dan Biro Hukum Provinsi telah menunjukkan hasil positif. Dukungan kebijakan, komitmen pimpinan, dan pengembangan SDM dibutuhkan untuk meningkatkan efektivitas proses ini. 2) Peran Gubernur Jawa Timur dalam pembinaan dan pengawasan produk hukum daerah sudah sesuai dengan PP Nomor 33 Tahun 2018 dan Permendagri Nomor 80 Tahun 2015. Namun, ada tantangan seperti keterbatasan SDM dan birokrasi yang menghambat efektivitasnya. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/108 10.35719/constitution.v3i2.108 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 155-176 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/108/46 Copyright (c) 2024 Ach. Fickry Lengga Marjani, Sholikul Hadi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/113 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Penerapan Partisipasi Masyarakat Dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan Hanafi, Muhamad Irsyad Damayanti, Lutvi Dafina Nazulfa, Indah Partisipasi Masyarakat Problematika Pembentukan This article discusses the application of community participation in forming laws and regulations in Indonesia. Community participation refers to community involvement in all stages of making laws and regulations, from the planning stage to ratification. UU no. 13 of 2022 concerning the Formation of Legislative Regulations is a crucial basis for the legislative system in Indonesia, which emphasizes the importance of community participation in this process. This research uses a normative method that focuses on the analysis and interpretation of statutory regulations, legal principles, and various related legal references. The research results show that community involvement is not just a formal procedure, but is important in producing legislation that reflects democratic values ??and is responsive to the desires and needs of the community. The absence of participation from the community has the potential to result in less effective legislation and can cause dissatisfaction and rejection from the community. Abstrak Artikel ini membahas tentang penerapan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia. Partisipasi masyarakat mengacu pada keterlibatan masyarakat dalam seluruh tahapan pembuatan peraturan perundang-undangan, mulai dari tahap perencanaan hingga pengesahan. UU No. 13 Tahun 2022 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan menjadi landasan krusial dalam sistem legislasi di Indonesia, yang menekankan pentingnya peran serta masyarakat dalam proses tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode normatif yang berfokus pada analisis dan interpretasi peraturan perundang-undangan, prinsip-prinsip hukum, serta berbagai referensi hukum terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan masyarakat bukan sekadar prosedur formal, melainkan suatu hal yang penting dalam menghasilkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mencerminkan nilai-nilai demokrasi dan tanggap terhadap keinginan serta kebutuhan masyarakat. Ketiadaan partisipasi dari masyarakat berpotensi menghasilkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang kurang efektif, serta dapat menimbulkan ketidakpuasan serta penolakan dari masyarakat. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/113 10.35719/constitution.v3i2.113 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 193-210 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/113/48 Copyright (c) 2024 Muhamad Irsyad Hanafi, Lutvi Dafina Damayanti, Indah Nazulfa https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/114 2025-06-25T17:48:53Z cj:ART

Analisis Tantangan Konstitusional Dan Problematika Hukum Tata Negara Dalam Pelaksanaan Pilkada 2024 Maulana, M Rijal Al'hadad Hukum Tata Negara Konstitusi Pilkada This study examines the constitutional challenges and legal issues within the framework of Indonesia's 2024 regional elections (Pilkada). The primary objective is to analyze the implications of recent regulatory changes enacted by the Constitutional Court, particularly concerning the thresholds for candidate nominations and age requirements. Utilizing a normative legal research methodology, this paper reviews relevant legal documents, court rulings, and literature to assess how these changes may affect electoral dynamics and voter participation. The findings indicate that the revised regulations could enhance political participation by allowing a broader array of candidates to compete, thereby enriching the democratic process. However, significant challenges remain, including potential violations of electoral laws and disputes arising from the complex nomination process. Furthermore, the role of civil society and media is critical in monitoring these elections and ensuring accountability. The study concludes that proactive measures must be implemented to support civil society organizations and enhance public awareness regarding electoral rights. Abstrak Penelitian ini mengkaji tantangan konstitusional dan isu-isu hukum dalam kerangka pemilihan umum kepala daerah (Pilkada) 2024 di Indonesia. Tujuan utamanya adalah untuk menganalisis implikasi dari perubahan peraturan yang baru-baru ini diberlakukan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi, khususnya terkait ambang batas pencalonan kandidat dan persyaratan usia. Dengan menggunakan metodologi penelitian hukum normatif, makalah ini mengkaji dokumen-dokumen hukum yang relevan, putusan pengadilan, dan literatur untuk menilai bagaimana perubahan-perubahan tersebut dapat mempengaruhi dinamika pemilu dan partisipasi pemilih. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peraturan yang direvisi dapat meningkatkan partisipasi politik dengan memungkinkan lebih banyak kandidat untuk bersaing, sehingga memperkaya proses demokrasi. Namun, masih ada tantangan yang signifikan, termasuk potensi pelanggaran undang-undang pemilu dan sengketa yang timbul dari proses pencalonan yang kompleks. Selain itu, peran masyarakat sipil dan media sangat penting dalam memantau pemilu dan memastikan akuntabilitas. Studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa langkah-langkah proaktif harus dilaksanakan untuk mendukung organisasi masyarakat sipil dan meningkatkan kesadaran publik mengenai hak-hak pemilu. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2024-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/114 10.35719/constitution.v3i2.114 Constitution Journal; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): Constitution Journal December 2024; 211-232 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/114/50 Copyright (c) 2024 M Rijal Al'hadad Maulana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/121 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Problematika Penghapusan Batasan Jumlah Anggota Wantimpres Melalui Teori Pilihan Rasional: Problems of Eliminating Limits on the Number of Wantimpres Members Through Rational Choice Theory Idris, Irma Bachtiar, Gusnaeni Wiranti Wantimpres Efektivitas Rasional This study uses a normative research method with a conceptual approach to connect the principle of effectiveness with the Rational Choice theory on the impact of eliminating the limit on the number of members of the Presidential Advisory Council (Wantimpres). The purpose of this study is to analyze Law Number 64 of 2024 concerning Amendments to Law Number 19 of 2006 concerning the Presidential Advisory Council (Wantimpres) which has been agreed upon in a Plenary Meeting held on Thursday, September 19, 2024 in the Plenary Meeting Room, Nusantara II Building, DPR RI, Senayan, Jakarta with its implications for the effectiveness of Wantimpres' performance which has not been proven significant. Although the changes in the legislation are intended to strengthen Wantimpres. However, on the other hand, without any member limits and competency requirements, it is difficult to guarantee that Wantimpres' performance will function more as an effective supporting organ for the president. Although flexibility in the number of members is expected to increase effectiveness, further evaluation is needed to ensure that the changes truly strengthen Wantimpres' role and function in supporting a more optimal government system. By giving full authority to the president to determine the number of members, it raises questions regarding Wantimpres' effectiveness and relevance. Given the importance of institutional analysis, it is necessary to ensure that these changes support Wantimpres' function as an effective advisor to the president. Abstrak Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual untuk menghubungkan prinsip efektivitas dengan teori Pilihan Rasional atas dampak dari penghapusan batasan jumlah anggota Dewan Pertimbangan Presiden (Wantimpres). Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis Undang-Undang Nomor 64 Tahun 2024 tentang Perubahan atas Undang- Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2006 terkait Dewan Pertimbangan Presiden (Wantimpres) yang telah disepakati dalam. Rapat paripurna yang digelar pada Kamis, 19 September 2024 di Ruang Rapat Paripurna, Gedung Nusantara II, DPR RI, Senayan, Jakarta dengan implikasinya terhadap efektivitas kinerja Wantimpres yang belum terbukti signifikan. Meskipun perubahan dalam peraturan perundang-undangan ini bertujuan untuk memperkuat Wantimpres. Namun di sisi lain, tanpa adanya batasan anggota dan syarat kompetensi, sulit menjamin bahwa kinerja Wantimpres akan lebih berfungsi sebagai organ pendukung yang efektif bagi presiden. Meskipun fleksibilitas terhadap jumlah anggota diharapkan mampu meningkatkan efektivitas, namun perlu melakukan evaluasi lebih lanjut untuk memastikan bahwa perubahan tersebut benar-benar memperkuat peran dan fungsi Wantimpres dalam mendukung sistem pemerintahan yang lebih optimal. Dengan memberikan kewenangan penuh kepada presiden untuk menentukan jumlah anggota, memicu pertanyaan terkait efektivitas dan relevansi Wantimpres. Mengingat pentingnya analisis kelembagaan, perlu dipastikan bahwa perubahan ini mendukung fungsi Wantimpres sebagai pemberi nasihat yang efektif bagi presiden. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/121 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.121 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 1-20 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/121/53 Copyright (c) 2025 Irma Idris, Gusnaeni Bachtiar, Wiranti https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/129 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Implikasi Hukum Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 176/PUU-XXII/2024 terhadap Hak Mengundurkan Diri Calon Legislatif Terpilih: The Legal Implications of Constitutional Court Decision Number 176/PUU-XXII/2024 on the Resignation Rights of Elected Legislative Candidates Mubarak, Husni Mahkamah Konstitusi Pengunduran Diri Calon Legislative Pemilu The Constitutional Court Decision Number 176/PUU-XXII/2024 revised Article 426 paragraph (1) letter b of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, stipulating that elected legislative candidates may only resign if assigned by the state to occupy a position not obtained through a general election. This study aims to analyze the legal implications of the decision on the right of elected candidates to resign and to examine the legal certainty of the phrase “state assignment,” which was not explicitly defined in the Court’s decision. This research employs a normative juridical method with a statutory and conceptual approach. The findings indicate that while the Court intended to uphold the integrity of the election process, the newly inserted phrase creates ambiguity that threatens legal certainty. Therefore, technical regulations are urgently needed to define the limits of the phrase and ensure uniform implementation and protection of constitutional rights Abstrak Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 176/PUU-XXII/2024 telah mengubah ketentuan Pasal 426 ayat (1) huruf b Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum, dengan menetapkan bahwa calon legislatif terpilih hanya dapat mengundurkan diri apabila mendapatkan penugasan dari negara untuk menduduki jabatan yang tidak diperoleh melalui pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implikasi hukum dari putusan tersebut terhadap hak calon legislatif terpilih untuk mengundurkan diri serta menelaah kepastian hukum dari frasa “penugasan dari negara” yang tidak didefinisikan secara eksplisit dalam putusan Mahkamah. Metode yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meskipun putusan MK bertujuan menjaga integritas hasil pemilu, frasa baru yang ditambahkan justru menimbulkan multitafsir yang dapat mengganggu kepastian hukum. Oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan regulasi teknis yang menjabarkan secara tegas batasan frasa tersebut guna menjamin keseragaman implementasi dan perlindungan hak konstitusional UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/129 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.129 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 21-44 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/129/52 Copyright (c) 2025 Husni Mubarak https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/130 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Pancasila Sebagai Landasan Partisipasi Publik Dalam Pembentukan Undang-Undang Di Indonesia: Pancasila as the Basis for Public Participation in the Formation of Laws in Indonesia Nurmansyah Rato, Dominikus Pancasila Partisipasi Publik Filosofis Starting from the number of applications for judicial review that were granted by the Constitutional Court, this should be translated as a failure in the legislative process. The submission of a judicial review by the public is the result of the constitutional rights of citizens being violated and conflicting so that public participation is a way out by accommodating all the interests of the community in the formation of laws. This research resulted in two discussions, first, that Pancasila is the main foundation in drafting laws, this can be seen in Law Number 12 of 2011 concerning the Formation of Legislation which states that the philosophical basis for forming laws must originate from Pancasila. which is a determinant of validity, content and testing. The two four Pancasila precepts are the basis for public participation to be involved in the formation of laws that can be carried out at the stages of submission, discussion and approval by implementing meaningful participation, so that the laws formed can support the public interest. Abstrak Bertitik tolak pada banyaknya pengajuan judicial review yang dikabulkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi seharusnya diterjemahkan sebagai gagalnya proses legislasi.  Pengajuan judicial review oleh masyarakat merupakan akibat dari adanya hak-hak konstitusional warga negara yang dilanggar dan bertentangan sehingga partisipasi publik merupakan jalan keluar dengan di akomodasinya seluruh kepentingan masyarakat dalam pembentukan undang-undang. Penelitian ini menghasilkan dua bahasan, pertama, bahwa Pancasila merupakan landasan utama dalam penyusunan undang-undangan, hal tersebut dapat di lihat dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan yang menyatakan landasan filosofi pembentukan undang-undang harus bersumber dari pancasila yang merupakan penentu validitas, isi dan pengujiannya. Kedua sila ke-empat Pancasila merupakan landasan adanya partisipasi publik untuk dapat terlibat dalam pembentukan undang-undang yang dapat dilakukan pada tahap pengajuan, pembahasan dan persetujuan dengan menerapkan meaningful participation, sehingga undang-undang yang dibentuk dapat menopang kepentingan publik UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/130 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.130 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 45-60 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/130/54 Copyright (c) 2025 Nurmansyah Nurmansyah, Dominikus Rato https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/132 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Constitutional Fragility and Dual Nationality Disputes: Legal Implications of Madagascar 2023 Presidential Election Manitra, Ramalina Ranaivo Mikea Constitutional Law Dual Nationality Electoral Integrity Judicial Independence Madagascar 2023 Presidential Election The 2023 presidential election in Madagascar raised serious constitutional and legal questions surrounding the eligibility of incumbent President Andry Rajoelina, who was revealed to have acquired French nationality in 2014. This fact, under the Malagasy Code of Nationality, automatically triggers the loss of his Malagasy citizenship—an essential constitutional requirement for presidential candidacy. Despite legal provisions and widespread objections from civil society and opposition coalitions, the High Constitutional Court (HCC) dismissed all challenges and upheld his candidacy. This paper identifies a gap in existing constitutional law literature in Madagascar, which has not sufficiently addressed the legal implications of nationality loss in the context of presidential eligibility. The paper aims to examine how key legal institutions, particularly the HCC and the electoral commission (CENI), responded to this controversy and what their actions reveal about judicial independence and constitutional compliance. Using a doctrinal approach grounded in positivist and originalist lenses, complemented by judicial independence and democratic legitimacy lenses, this study analyses relevant constitutional provisions, court decisions, and political developments. It argues that the HCC’s refusal to substantively address the nationality issue reflects broader institutional weaknesses and signals a worrying trend of legal uncertainty. The findings highlight the need for reform to restore public trust, ensure electoral integrity, and safeguard constitutionalism in Madagascar. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/132 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.132 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 93-120 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/132/57 Copyright (c) 2025 Ramalina Ranaivo Mikea Manitra https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/133 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Tanggung Jawab Negara Memelihara Anak Terlantar Perspektif Negara Kesejahteraan.: State Responsibility in the Care of Abandoned Children: A Welfare State Perspective Sulistiyono, Firman Octhaviana Efendi, Aan Al-Khanif Tanggung Jawab Negara Anak Terlantar Pembaruan Hukum Article 34 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that "the poor and neglected children are cared for by the state." Although this constitutional guarantee has been clearly regulated, many neglected children in Indonesia have not fully received their rights. The gap between the constitutional mandate and the implementation of this policy reflects an urgent social problem, considering that neglected children are a vulnerable group that requires special attention within the framework of a welfare state. This normative legal research uses a legislative, conceptual, and historical approach. The results of the study indicate that protecting neglected children is a constitutional responsibility and an integral part of social welfare policy. The government is obliged to build a fair, comprehensive, and sustainable protection system through synergy between institutions and community involvement. Child protection policies aim to guarantee the rights of children—especially neglected children—to live, grow, and develop optimally and be protected from violence, discrimination, and neglect. Therefore, comprehensive policy reform needs to be carried out, with a focus on empowering families and communities, providing rehabilitation services, law enforcement, and broad public education. Abstrak Pasal 34 ayat (1) UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menyatakan bahwa "fakir miskin dan anak-anak yang terlantar dipelihara oleh negara." Meskipun jaminan konstitusional ini telah diatur secara jelas, banyak anak terlantar di Indonesia yang belum sepenuhnya mendapatkan hak-haknya. Kesenjangan antara amanat konstitusi dan implementasi kebijakan ini mencerminkan persoalan sosial yang mendesak, mengingat anak terlantar merupakan kelompok rentan yang membutuhkan perhatian khusus dalam kerangka negara kesejahteraan. Penelitian yuridis normatif ini menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan, konseptual, dan historis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perlindungan anak terlantar merupakan tanggung jawab konstitusional dan bagian integral dari kebijakan kesejahteraan sosial. Pemerintah wajib membangun sistem perlindungan yang adil, menyeluruh, dan berkelanjutan melalui sinergi antar lembaga serta pelibatan masyarakat. Kebijakan perlindungan anak bertujuan menjamin hak anak—terutama anak terlantar—untuk hidup, tumbuh, dan berkembang secara optimal serta terlindungi dari kekerasan, diskriminasi, dan penelantaran. Oleh karena itu, reformasi kebijakan yang komprehensif perlu dilakukan, dengan fokus pada pemberdayaan keluarga dan masyarakat, penyediaan layanan rehabilitasi, penegakan hukum, dan edukasi publik secara luas. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/133 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.133 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 61-78 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/133/55 Copyright (c) 2025 Firman Octhaviana Sulistiyono, Aan Efendi, Al-Khanif https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/134 2025-06-29T17:11:37Z cj:ART

Pembatasan Kegiatan Keagamaan oleh Pemerintah Daerah: Konstitusionalitas dan Prinsip Negara Hukum: Restrictions on Religious Activities by Local Governments: A Study on Constitutionality and the Rule of Law Principle Rifa'i, Iman Jalaludin Azizah, Naili Konstitusi Pemerintah Daerah Kebebasan Beragama John Rawls Decentralization under Law Number 23 of 2014 grants broad authority to local governments in managing social and religious affairs. However, practices such as the prohibition of Ahmadiyya Jamaah’s Jalsah Salanah by certain regional governments raise tensions between freedom of religion and the rule of law. This study aims to evaluate the legality and legitimacy of such restrictions using John Rawls’ theory of justice, particularly the principles of basic liberties and the difference principle. A normative juridical method is employed, with statutory, case-based, and conceptual approaches. The findings reveal that many local regulations lack a national legal basis, fail the proportionality test, and discriminate against minority groups without social compensation, thereby conflicting with Rawlsian principles. The study concludes that Rawlsian justice principles must be integrated into local legislative processes, judicial review mechanisms strengthened, and inclusive deliberative forums implemented to ensure regional autonomy aligns with constitutional supremacy. Practically, this research offers an evaluative framework for local policymakers and serves as a normative reference for the Supreme Court and Constitutional Court in reviewing potentially discriminatory local regulations. Abstrak Desentralisasi melalui Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 memberikan kewenangan luas kepada pemerintah daerah dalam urusan sosial dan keagamaan. Namun, praktik pembatasan ibadah oleh beberapa Pemda, seperti pelarangan Jalsah Salanah Jamaah Ahmadiyah, menimbulkan konflik antara kebebasan beragama dan prinsip negara hukum. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengevaluasi legalitas dan legitimasi pembatasan tersebut dengan teori keadilan John Rawls, khususnya prinsip kebebasan dasar dan difference principle. Metode yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan, kasus, dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sejumlah kebijakan daerah tidak berlandaskan hukum nasional, tidak proporsional, serta merugikan kelompok minoritas secara diskriminatif. Kesimpulannya, diperlukan integrasi prinsip keadilan Rawlsian dalam legislasi daerah, penguatan judicial review, dan forum deliberatif yang inklusif agar otonomi daerah tidak melanggar supremasi konstitusi. Penelitian ini berkontribusi dalam menyediakan kerangka evaluatif bagi pemerintah daerah dan menjadi rujukan normatif bagi Mahkamah Agung dan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam menilai keabsahan peraturan daerah yang potensial melanggar kebebasan beragama. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/134 10.35719/constitution.v4i1.134 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025): Constitution Journal June 2025; 79-92 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i1 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/134/56 Copyright (c) 2025 Iman Jalaludin Rifa'i, Naili Azizah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/140 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Implikasi Pasal 97 Undang-Undang No 1 Tahun 2022 Tentang HKPD terhadap Desentralisasi Fiskal : Implications of Article 97 of Law No. 1 of 2022 concerning HKPD on Fiscal Decentralization Saputra, Andi Rachmad Soetijono, Iwan Listyana Chandra, Ratih Desentralisasi Fiskal Otonomi Law Number 1 of 2022 concerning Financial Relations between the Central Government and Regional Governments has shifted the direction of Indonesia's fiscal decentralization toward a more centralized approac Although formal regional autonomy remains in effect, regional fiscal dependence on the central government remains hig This centralization is further clarified through Article 97 of the Regional Government Regulation (HKPD), which authorizes the central government to revoke regional regulations regarding tax and levy rates if deemed inconsistent with national strategic programs. This approach has generated dynamics and resistance, including from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) faction, which believes the HKPD Law does not reflect fiscal justice, minimizes public participation, and has the potential to increase the tax burden. Furthermore, the implementation of a closed list system for types of taxes and levies further limits regional fiscal space and contradicts the principles of regional autonomy. Abstrak Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2022 tentang Hubungan Keuangan antara Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah mengubah arah desentralisasi fiskal Indonesia menjadi lebih sentralistik. Meskipun otonomi daerah secara formal masih berlaku, ketergantungan fiskal daerah terhadap pusat tetap tinggi. Sentralisasi makin nyata melalui Pasal 97 UU HKPD, yang memberi kewenangan kepada pemerintah pusat untuk membatalkan peraturan daerah terkait tarif pajak dan retribusi apabila dianggap tidak sejalan dengan program strategis nasional. Pendekatan ini memunculkan dinamika dan resistensi, termasuk dari Fraksi PKS yang menilai UU HKPD tidak mencerminkan keadilan fiskal, minim partisipasi publik, serta berpotensi menambah beban pajak. Selain itu, penerapan sistem closed list atas jenis pajak dan retribusi semakin membatasi ruang fiskal daerah dan bertentangan dengan prinsip otonomi daerah. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/140 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.140 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 145-160 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/140/59 Copyright (c) 2025 Andi Saputra, Iwan Rachmad Soetijono, Ratih Listyana Chandra https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/143 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Penyelesaian Sengketa Kewenangan Antar Lembaga Negara Non Eksekutif yang Kewenangannya diberikan oleh Undang-Undang: Resolution of Authority Disputes Between Non-Executive State Institutions whose Authority is Granted by Law Huda, Moh. Choirul Firdaus, Fahmi Ramadhan Kewenangan Undang-Undang Lembaga Negara Non Eksekutif Sengketa Kewenangan Resolution of disputes over state institutions' authority is part of the Constitutional Court's authority based on Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. However, this provision raises problems due to the lack of a juridical space to resolve disputes over authority between institutions whose authority is not derived from the 1945 Constitution. Through a study using normative juridical methods, it was found that disputes over authority between institutions arise due to the lack of a clear blueprint for institutional arrangement, as well as political and institutional interests. On the other hand, the problem of resolving disputes over non-constitutional state institutions can be addressed by improving the Constitutional Court's interpretation in the practice of adjudicating state institution disputes, granting authority by the Supreme Court, or through judicial review of laws Abstrak Penyelesaian sengketa kewenangan lembaga negara merupakan bagian dari kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) dengan dasar ketentuan Pasal 24C ayat (1) UUD NRI 1945. Namun, dalam realitasnya ketentuan tersebut menimbulkan problem karena tidak adanya ruang yuridis untuk menyelesaikan sengketa kewenangan antar lembaga yang kewenangannya tidak bersumber dari UUD 1945. Melalui kajian dengan menggunakan metode yuridis normatif, ditemukan bahwa sengketa kewenangan antar lembaga muncul akibat tidak adanya blueprint yang jelas atas  penataan kelembagaan, serta faktor kepentingan politik, serta institusional. Di sisi lain problem penyelesaian sengketa lembaga negara non-konstitusional dapat diatasi dengan memperbaiki tafsir MK dalam praktik peradilan sengketa lembaga negara, pemberian kewenangan oleh Mahkamah Agung, atau melalui sarana pengujian undang-undang (judicial review). UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/143 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.143 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 121-144 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/143/58 Copyright (c) 2025 Moh. Choirul Huda, Fahmi Ramadhan Firdaus https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/145 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Pengaruh Politik Dinasti di Kabupaten Probolinggo Terhadap Sistem Demokrasi Dalam Menjalankan Asas Keterbukaan: The Influence of Dynasty Politics in Probolinggo Regency on the Democracy System in Implementing the Principle of Openness Ilhami, Deni Al-Khanif Soetijono, Iwan Rachmad Politik Dinasti Asas Keterbukaan Demokrasi Lokal Pemerintahan Daerah Probolinggo The phenomenon of political dynasties in Probolinggo Regency highlights serious challenges in implementing the principle of openness in local governance. This study aims to analyze the application of the openness principle within the practice of political dynasties and to identify its supporting and inhibiting factors. A socio-legal approach was employed using descriptive analysis of secondary legal materials and interviews with local stakeholders. The findings reveal that the deliberation and drafting of regional regulations, particularly concerning the regional budget (APBD), have not been fully conducted transparently. Several meetings that should have been open to the public were held behind closed doors, reducing accountability and public trust. Supporting factors include the availability of facilities, experts, and legislators’ attendance. Conversely, obstacles include limited understanding of openness among council members, ineffective communication, delays in budget submissions, and the dominance of family and party political interests. These findings indicate that political dynasties negatively affect local democracy and emphasize the need for stronger regulations and broader public participation to achieve transparent and accountable governance. Abstrak Fenomena politik dinasti di Kabupaten Probolinggo menunjukkan adanya persoalan serius dalam pelaksanaan asas keterbukaan pemerintahan daerah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implementasi asas keterbukaan dalam praktik politik dinasti serta faktor pendukung dan penghambatnya. Metode yang digunakan adalah pendekatan yuridis sosiologis dengan analisis deskriptif terhadap bahan hukum sekunder serta data wawancara dengan pemangku kepentingan lokal. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pembahasan dan penyusunan Peraturan Daerah, khususnya terkait APBD, masih belum sepenuhnya dilakukan secara terbuka. Beberapa rapat yang seharusnya dapat diakses publik dilaksanakan secara tertutup, sehingga mengurangi transparansi dan akuntabilitas. Faktor pendukung implementasi asas keterbukaan adalah ketersediaan sarana prasarana, tenaga ahli, dan kehadiran anggota DPRD. Namun, hambatan yang muncul meliputi rendahnya pemahaman anggota dewan terhadap asas keterbukaan, komunikasi yang tidak efektif, keterlambatan penyampaian dokumen anggaran, serta dominasi kepentingan politik keluarga dan partai. Temuan ini menegaskan bahwa praktik politik dinasti berimplikasi negatif terhadap demokrasi lokal dan perlu adanya penguatan regulasi serta partisipasi publik untuk mewujudkan pemerintahan daerah yang transparan dan akuntabel. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/145 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.145 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 191-210 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/145/63 Copyright (c) 2025 Deni Ilhami, Al-Khanif, Iwan Rachmad Soetijono https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/193 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Evaluasi Hukum Pemerintahan Daerah Terhadap Implementasi Pajak Karbon Sebagai Instrumen Green Fiscal Policy: Legal Evaluation of Local Government on the Implementation of Carbon Tax as an Instrument of Green Fiscal Policy Ibrahim, Vicky S. Hasan, Yeti Sholehah, Nur Lazimatul Hilma Pajak Karbon Pemerintahan Daerah Green Fiscal Policy Hukum Lingkungan Carbon tax is a fiscal instrument designed to control carbon emissions while supporting sustainable development. However, its implementation at the regional level still faces problems of authority and institutional readiness that are not yet optimally integrated. This study aims to evaluate the legal framework, the authority of local governments, and institutional preparedness in the implementation of carbon tax as an instrument of green fiscal policy, with a specific focus on Gorontalo Province. The research method employed is normative legal research with a statutory approach, complemented by empirical data obtained through interviews with relevant agencies, namely the Regional Development Planning Agency (Bappeda), the Regional Revenue Agency (Bapenda), and the Environmental Agency (DLH). The findings indicate that the regulation of carbon tax under Law Number 7 of 2021 on the Harmonization of Tax Regulations remains centralized and does not provide attribution of authority to local governments. Institutional preparedness at the regional level is also limited, as no regulation or coordination mechanism integrates the functions of planning, collection, and supervision. In addition, the main challenges identified include the absence of regional regulations, potential socio-economic burdens, and the lack of a transparent fiscal governance mechanism. This study concludes that the success of carbon tax implementation as a green fiscal instrument requires strengthening of the legal framework, institutional capacity, and fiscal governance at the regional level. Abstrak Pajak karbon merupakan instrumen fiskal yang dirancang untuk mengendalikan emisi karbon sekaligus mendukung pembangunan berkelanjutan. Namun, pelaksanaannya di tingkat daerah masih menghadapi persoalan kewenangan dan kelembagaan yang belum terintegrasi secara optimal. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengevaluasi kerangka hukum, kewenangan pemerintah daerah, serta kesiapan kelembagaan dalam implementasi pajak karbon sebagai instrumen green fiscal policy, dengan fokus kajian di Provinsi Gorontalo. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan, dilengkapi dengan data empiris melalui wawancara dengan instansi terkait, yaitu Bappeda, Bapenda, dan Dinas Lingkungan Hidup. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pengaturan pajak karbon dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2021 tentang Harmonisasi Peraturan Perpajakan masih bersifat sentralistik dan tidak memberikan atribusi kewenangan kepada pemerintah daerah. Kesiapan kelembagaan di daerah juga terbatas karena belum ada regulasi maupun mekanisme koordinasi yang mengintegrasikan fungsi perencanaan, pemungutan, dan pengawasan. Selain itu, tantangan utama yang dihadapi mencakup keterbatasan regulasi daerah, potensi dampak sosial-ekonomi, serta belum adanya tata kelola fiskal yang transparan. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa keberhasilan implementasi pajak karbon sebagai instrumen fiskal hijau memerlukan penguatan aspek hukum, kelembagaan, dan tata kelola pada tingkat daerah. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/193 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.193 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 161-178 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/193/61 Copyright (c) 2025 Vicky Ibrahim, Yeti S. Hasan, Nur Lazimatul Hilma Sholehah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/217 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Implementasi Prinsip Good Governance Dalam Pengelolaan Dana Desa Studi Kasus Di Kabupaten Kuningan: Implementation of Good Governance Principles in Village Fund Management: A Case Study of Kuningan Regency Rifa'i, Iman Yuhandra, Erga Budiman, Haris Akbar, Satria Asiyah, Mina Rabiatul Good Governance Dana Desa Sinkronisasi Hukum Supremasi Hukum Akuntabilitas Village Fund policies have undergone regulatory changes to strengthen fiscal governance, yet their implementation remains hindered by inconsistencies among national, regional, and village regulations. The weakness of good governance does not stem from a lack of rules, but from misalignment between normative designs and local practices. Accountability is carried out administratively but has not fully reached substantive public oversight, while community participation and access to information remain procedural. Using a normative juridical method, this study formulates two key issues: the principles of good governance as legal foundations for Village Fund management, and the rule of law and oversight mechanisms as instruments to reinforce them. Based on the Village Law and related regulations, the findings show weak legal harmonization and ineffective supervision, resulting in formalistic accountability and suboptimal legal control. Strengthening regulatory synchronization, enhancing village institutional capacity, and internalizing good governance principles are essential to achieving transparent, accountable, and law-based Village Fund governance. Abstrak Kebijakan Dana Desa telah mengalami perubahan regulasi untuk memperkuat tata kelola fiskal, namun implementasinya masih terganggu oleh disharmoni antara regulasi nasional, daerah, dan desa. Lemahnya good governance bukan karena kekurangan aturan, tetapi karena ketidaksesuaian antara desain normatif dan praktik lokal. Akuntabilitas berjalan secara administratif namun belum menyentuh pengawasan publik yang substansial, sementara partisipasi dan akses informasi masih bersifat prosedural. Penelitian dengan metode yuridis normatif ini merumuskan dua masalah: prinsip good governance sebagai asas hukum pengelolaan Dana Desa, serta supremasi hukum dan mekanisme pengawasan sebagai instrumen penguatnya. Berbasis UU Desa dan regulasi terkait, hasil penelitian menunjukkan lemahnya sinkronisasi hukum dan pengawasan, sehingga akuntabilitas menjadi formalistik dan kontrol hukum kurang optimal. Diperlukan penguatan harmonisasi regulasi, peningkatan kapasitas desa, dan internalisasi prinsip good governance untuk mewujudkan tata kelola Dana Desa yang transparan, akuntabel, dan berbasis hukum. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/217 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.217 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 179-190 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/217/62 Copyright (c) 2025 Iman Rifa'i, Erga Yuhandra, Haris Budiman, Satria Akbar, Mina Rabiatul Asiyah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

oai:ojs2.constitution.uinkhas.ac.id:article/219 2025-12-21T03:30:29Z cj:ART

Eksodus Independensi Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Putusan Nomor 141/PUU-XXI/2023: The Exodus of Independent Constitutional Court Judges in Decision Number 141/PUU-XXI/2023 Zubairi, Ach Eksodus Independensi Hakim Mahkamah Konstitusi This scientific paper aims to explore the Constitutional Court (MK) Decision Number 141/PUU-XXI/2023, which sparked controversy regarding violations of the principles of judicial independence and judicial ethics of constitutional justices. To examine this issue, the researcher refers to Alexander Bickel’s theory of judicial independence as an analytical tool to assess the impact of the ruling, which altered the interpretation of the age requirement for presidential and vice-presidential candidates previously explicitly regulated in Article 169 letter q of Law Number 7 of 2017 on General Elections. The Constitutional Court granted an exception for experienced regional heads, even if they had not yet reached the minimum age of 40, thereby exceeding its authority in constitutional review. Additionally, there are allegations of a conflict of interest, as the decision was issued under the leadership of Chief Justice Anwar Usman, who has a familial relationship with the beneficiary of the ruling, Gibran Rakabuming Raka. The absence of a recusal mechanism in the decision-making process has raised concerns about the integrity and independence of the institution. The findings of this study indicate a legitimacy crisis within the Constitutional Court, potentially threatening constitutional supremacy in Indonesia. Therefore, this study recommends strengthening the code of ethics for judges, reforming the selection process, and enhancing public oversight mechanisms to ensure the Constitutional Court continues to function as an independent and trustworthy guardian of the constitution. Abstrak Karya ilmiah ini bertujuan untuk mengeskplor putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Nomor 141/PUU-XXI/2023 yang memicu kontroversi terkait pelanggaran prinsip independensi dan etika yudisial hakim konstitusi. Guna mengeksplorasi kajian ini, peneliti mengacu pada teori independensi yudisial dari Alexander Bickel sebagai pisau analisis untuk menilai dampak putusan yang mengubah tafsir batas usia calon presiden dan wakil presiden, yang semula diatur secara eksplisit dalam Pasal 169 huruf q Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu. MK memberikan pengecualian bagi kepala daerah berpengalaman meskipun belum mencapai usia minimal 40 tahun yang melampaui kewenangan pengujian konstitusionalitas. Selain itu, terdapat dugaan konflik kepentingan karena putusan tersebut dikeluarkan di bawah kepemimpinan Ketua MK, Anwar Usman, yang memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan pihak yang diuntungkan, yaitu Gibran Rakabuming Raka. Tidak adanya mekanisme pengunduran diri (recusal) dalam proses pengambilan keputusan ini menimbulkan keraguan terhadap integritas dan independensi lembaga. Temuan penelitian ini mengindikasikan krisis legitimasi Mahkamah Konstitusi yang berpotensi mengancam supremasi konstitusi di Indonesia. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini merekomendasikan penguatan kode etik hakim, reformasi proses seleksi, serta peningkatan mekanisme pengawasan publik untuk memastikan Mahkamah Konstitusi tetap berfungsi sebagai penjaga konstitusi yang independen dan terpercaya. UIN Kiai Haji Ahmad Sidiq Jember 2025-12-21 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/219 10.35719/constitution.v4i2.219 Constitution Journal; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025): Constitution Journal December 2025; 211-228 2962-1720 2987-8918 10.35719/constitution.v4i2 eng https://constitution.uinkhas.ac.id/index.php/cj/article/view/219/64 Copyright (c) 2025 Ach Zubairi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0